Y Cyfarfod Llawn
Plenary
14/01/2026Cynnwys
Contents
Yn y fersiwn ddwyieithog, mae’r golofn chwith yn cynnwys yr iaith a lefarwyd yn y cyfarfod. Mae’r golofn dde yn cynnwys cyfieithiad o’r areithiau hynny.
In the bilingual version, the left-hand column includes the language used during the meeting. The right-hand column includes a translation of those speeches.
Cyfarfu'r Senedd yn y Siambr a thrwy gynhadledd fideo am 13:35 gyda'r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Senedd met in the Chamber and by video-conference at 13:35 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Croeso, bawb, i'r Cyfarfod Llawn. Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein hagenda ni'r cyfarfod yma yw'r cwestiynau i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Drafnidiaeth a Gogledd Cymru. Mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Peter Fox.
Welcome to this afternoon's Plenary meeting. The first item on our agenda for this meeting is questions to the Cabinet Secretary for Transport and North Wales. The first question is from Peter Fox.
1. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi'u cael gyda National Highways ynglŷn â'r gwaith parhaus ar y ddwy bont dros yr Hafren? OQ63637
1. What discussions has the Cabinet Secretary had with National Highways regarding the ongoing works on both Severn bridges? OQ63637
We regularly meet with National Highways to discuss and to challenge and to understand their proposals, and to advocate for the travelling public and businesses in Wales. Extensive regional coverage and stakeholder newsletters are issued monthly by National Highways to keep all parties informed.
Rydym yn cyfarfod yn rheolaidd â National Highways i drafod ac i herio a deall eu cynigion, ac i eirioli dros y cyhoedd sy'n teithio a busnesau yng Nghymru. Rhoddir sylw rhanbarthol helaeth a chyhoeddir cylchlythyrau i randdeiliaid bob mis gan National Highways i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i bawb.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary, for the update. During December, the M4 and M48 on both sides of the river experienced severe gridlock, caused by a perfect storm of planned roadworks, accidents and emergency repairs. Emergency lighting column repairs on the M4 resulted in four of the six lanes on the new bridge being closed, while high winds forced the closure of the M48 crossing at the same time. This left two motorways' worth of traffic funnelling through a single lane in each direction. This situation highlighted the fragility of this part of Wales and how quickly it can descend into a congestion nightmare. To add to the confusion, the 7.5 tonne weight limit on the M48 bridge remained in place throughout, only being temporarily lifted later in the day, with restrictions being reinstated the following day.
Local communities understand that that essential work on the bridges must take place, but their frustration is entirely justified when the entire network becomes paralysed. They're asking what contingency plans are in place to prevent this from happening again, particularly once formal works on the M48 begin. Cabinet Secretary, can I therefore ask whether you will make representations to your counterparts in Westminster to ensure there is robust contingency planning for the M4 and M48 crossings so that we avoid the repeat of this chaotic scene witnessed in December once works begin again?
Diolch am y diweddariad, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Ym mis Rhagfyr, cafwyd tagfeydd difrifol ar yr M4 a'r M48 ar ddwy ochr yr afon, wedi'u hachosi gan storm berffaith o waith ffordd a gynlluniwyd, damweiniau ac atgyweiriadau brys. Arweiniodd gwaith atgyweirio brys ar golofnau goleuadau ar yr M4 at gau pedair o'r chwe lôn ar y bont newydd, tra bo gwyntoedd cryfion wedi gorfodi cau pont yr M48 ar yr un pryd. Gadawodd hyn werth dwy draffordd o draffig yn teithio ar un lôn i bob cyfeiriad. Tynnodd y sefyllfa hon sylw at fregusrwydd y rhan hon o Gymru a pha mor gyflym y gall ddirywio i fod yn hunllef o dagfeydd. I ychwanegu at y dryswch, bu'r cyfyngiad pwysau o 7.5 tunnell ar bont yr M48 ar waith drwy gydol y cyfnod, a chafodd ei godi dros dro yn hwyrach yn y dydd, gyda chyfyngiadau'n cael eu rhoi'n ôl ar waith y diwrnod wedyn.
Mae cymunedau lleol yn deall bod yn rhaid gwneud gwaith hanfodol ar y pontydd, ond mae eu rhwystredigaeth yn gwbl gyfiawn pan fydd y rhwydwaith cyfan yn cael ei barlysu. Maent yn gofyn pa gynlluniau wrth gefn sydd ar waith i atal hyn rhag digwydd eto, yn enwedig pan fydd gwaith ffurfiol ar yr M48 yn dechrau. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a gaf i ofyn felly a fyddwch chi'n gwneud sylwadau i'ch swyddogion cyfatebol yn San Steffan i sicrhau bod cynlluniau wrth gefn cadarn ar waith ar gyfer pontydd yr M4 a'r M48 fel ein bod yn osgoi ailadrodd yr anhrefn a welwyd ym mis Rhagfyr pan fydd y gwaith yn ailddechrau?
Can I thank Peter Fox and assure him I will do just that? Our engagement is very positive, but I will relay the points that the Member has made. I'd also like to thank the travelling public and communities along the stretches of those two motorways for their patience and their understanding during what was, as the Member has described, a perfect storm.
The BBC carried out an in-depth analysis of the road network across the UK recently; the report is online. It demonstrates the fragility of the entire road network, given the average age. Many of our roads, many of our key structures, were built in the 1960s, the 1970s and the 1980s, and require maintenance. That maintenance programme—. Obviously, there is a backlog, which is well recorded, but that maintenance programme has now accelerated, and so we will see more, I'm afraid, maintenance work take place across the UK, and Wales is not immune to that—we want to fix our roads and key structures.
As the Member has outlined, both bridges are the responsibility of National Highways, and therefore the UK Government. My officials meet regularly with National Highways to stress the importance of keeping Wales open. I think about 10 per cent of the bridge's—this is the M48 bridge—daily traffic is affected by the restriction, and I am aware that local businesses, especially in Chepstow and in Avonmouth, have raised concerns about increased journey times, increased costs and congestion. We will do all that we can do to work with communities to alleviate situations that arise as a result of planned and unplanned closures of roads, and that includes these key corridors in and out of Wales.
A gaf i ddiolch i Peter Fox a rhoi sicrwydd iddo y byddaf yn gwneud hynny? Mae ein hymgysylltu'n gadarnhaol iawn, ond byddaf yn codi'r pwyntiau y mae'r Aelod wedi'u gwneud. Hoffwn ddiolch hefyd i'r cyhoedd sy'n teithio a'r cymunedau ar hyd y ddwy draffordd am eu hamynedd a'u dealltwriaeth gyda'r hyn a oedd, fel y nododd yr Aelod, yn storm berffaith.
Cynhaliodd y BBC ddadansoddiad manwl o'r rhwydwaith ffyrdd ledled y DU yn ddiweddar; mae'r adroddiad ar gael ar-lein. Mae'n dangos pa mor fregus yw'r rhwydwaith ffyrdd cyfan, o ystyried ei oedran cyfartalog. Adeiladwyd llawer o'n ffyrdd, llawer o'n strwythurau allweddol, yn y 1960au, y 1970au a'r 1980au, ac mae angen gwaith cynnal a chadw arnynt. Mae'r rhaglen gynnal a chadw honno—. Yn amlwg, mae ôl-groniad, sy'n dra hysbys, ond mae'r rhaglen gynnal a chadw honno bellach wedi cyflymu, felly mae arnaf ofn y byddwn yn gweld mwy o waith cynnal a chadw ledled y DU, ac nid yw Cymru'n rhydd o hynny—rydym am drwsio ein ffyrdd a'n strwythurau allweddol.
Fel y mae'r Aelod wedi'i amlinellu, cyfrifoldeb National Highways, ac felly Llywodraeth y DU, yw'r ddwy bont. Mae fy swyddogion yn cyfarfod yn rheolaidd â National Highways i bwysleisio pwysigrwydd cadw Cymru ar agor. Credaf fod oddeutu 10 y cant o draffig dyddiol y bont—pont yr M48—yn cael ei effeithio gan y cyfyngiad, ac rwy'n ymwybodol fod busnesau lleol, yn enwedig yng Nghas-gwent ac yn Avonmouth, wedi codi pryderon ynghylch amseroedd teithio hirach, costau uwch a thagfeydd. Byddwn yn gwneud popeth yn ein gallu i weithio gyda chymunedau i liniaru sefyllfaoedd sy'n codi o ganlyniad i achosion a gynlluniwyd ac achosion heb eu cynllunio o gau ffyrdd, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys y coridorau allweddol hyn i mewn ac allan o Gymru.
Yes, Cabinet Secretary, those Severn crossing closures and that restriction in terms of HGVs being diverted from the original Severn crossing to the second Severn crossing does create a lot of difficulty for my constituents in Magor, Undy, Rogiet and Caldicot, for example. Often, when that congestion that's created is at its worst, traffic is at an absolute standstill on those local roads, the B4245. One potential solution that's been suggested is to have part-time traffic lights at the Magor services roundabout on the M4, junction 23A. I know that you're aware of that proposed solution, Cabinet Secretary. Is that something that's being given serious consideration?
Ydy, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae cau pontydd Hafren a'r cyfyngiad o ran dargyfeirio cerbydau nwyddau trwm o'r bont Hafren wreiddiol i'r ail bont Hafren yn peri llawer o drafferth i fy etholwyr ym Magwyr, Gwndy, Rogiet a Chil-y-coed, er enghraifft. Yn aml, pan fydd y tagfeydd a grëir ar eu gwaethaf, mae traffig yn llonydd ar y ffyrdd lleol hynny, y B4245. Un ateb posib a awgrymwyd yw goleuadau traffig rhan-amser ar gylchfan gwasanaethau Magwyr ar yr M4, cyffordd 23A. Gwn eich bod yn ymwybodol o'r ateb hwnnw a argymhellwyd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. A yw hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n cael ei ystyried o ddifrif?
Can I thank John Griffiths for his supplementary question? I can assure the Member that works are ongoing for National Highways to deliver those temporary signals that John has outlined at junction 23A of the M4, as part of the mitigation of impacts from the weight limit on the first Severn bridge, and this should enable much better operation of the gyratory access from the steelworks access road during high winds in particular.
A gaf i ddiolch i John Griffiths am ei gwestiwn atodol? Gallaf roi sicrwydd i'r Aelod fod gwaith yn mynd rhagddo i National Highways ddarparu'r signalau dros dro y cyfeiriodd John atynt ar gyffordd 23A yr M4, fel rhan o'r mesurau i liniaru effeithiau'r cyfyngiad pwysau ar y bont Hafren gyntaf, a dylai hyn alluogi mynediad llawer gwell i'r system gylchu o ffordd fynediad y gwaith dur yn enwedig mewn gwyntoedd cryfion.
2. Pa drafodaethau y mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet wedi'u cael gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol ynglŷn ag atgyfeirio cleifion o Ogledd Cymru i Ysbyty Orthopedig Robert Jones ac Agnes Hunt yng Ngobowen? OQ63663
2. What discussions has the Cabinet Secretary had with the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care regarding the referral of patients from North Wales to the Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Orthopaedic Hospital in Gobowen? OQ63663
We are determined to reduce long waiting times and improve access to NHS services for everyone in Wales. And I meet regularly with the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care to discuss a broad range of issues, including the provision of health services in north Wales and for north Wales citizens.
Rydym yn benderfynol o leihau amseroedd aros hir a gwella mynediad at wasanaethau'r GIG i bawb yng Nghymru. Ac rwy'n cyfarfod yn rheolaidd ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol i drafod ystod eang o faterion, gan gynnwys darpariaeth gwasanaethau iechyd yng ngogledd Cymru ac ar gyfer dinasyddion y gogledd.
Thank you for your response, Cabinet Secretary. I’m glad that you do meet regularly with the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care. One of the issues that a number of my constituents have raised with me recently is that when they are being referred through to Gobowen hospital for those orthopaedic procedures, they’ve been told that they will have to wait longer for those procedures than patients on the same list who are resident in England, which obviously is causing them much distress. But, when I contacted Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board about this, they said that that is not correct, so somebody’s clearly mishandling the truth, to say the least. And on these benches, you will have heard the concerns that we’ve raised about reports that Welsh NHS patients waiting for treatment in England are being forced to endure longer delays after the Welsh health board instructed those hospitals to align waiting times with Wales’s significantly longer waits. I’m sure you’d agree that it is not acceptable for my residents in north Wales that patients in north Wales are having to wait longer in pain, not because the capacity isn’t there, but because it’s not being properly accessed, at the direction of Welsh health boards. So, will you give reassurances that action will be taken by the Welsh Government to ensure that north Wales patients are not deliberately forced to wait longer for treatments in England simply to conceal the failures of the Welsh NHS?
Diolch am eich ymateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rwy'n falch eich bod yn cyfarfod yn rheolaidd ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol. Un o'r materion y mae nifer o fy etholwyr wedi'u codi gyda mi yn ddiweddar yw, pan gânt eu hatgyfeirio i ysbyty Gobowen ar gyfer y triniaethau orthopedig hynny, eu bod wedi cael gwybod y bydd yn rhaid iddynt aros yn hirach am y triniaethau hynny na chleifion ar yr un rhestr sy'n byw yn Lloegr, sy'n amlwg yn peri cryn dipyn o ofid iddynt. Ond pan gysylltais â Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr ynglŷn â hyn, roeddent yn dweud nad yw hynny'n gywir, felly mae rhywun yn amlwg yn camddehongli'r gwir, a dweud y lleiaf. Ac ar y meinciau hyn, fe fyddwch wedi clywed y pryderon a godwyd gennym ynglŷn ag adroddiadau fod cleifion y GIG yng Nghymru sy'n aros am driniaeth yn Lloegr yn cael eu gorfodi i ddioddef oedi hirach ar ôl i'r bwrdd iechyd Cymreig ddweud wrth yr ysbytai hynny am alinio'r amseroedd aros â'r amseroedd aros llawer hirach yng Nghymru. Rwy'n siŵr y byddech yn cytuno nad yw'n dderbyniol i fy nhrigolion yn y gogledd fod cleifion yn y gogledd yn gorfod aros yn hirach mewn poen, nid oherwydd nad yw'r capasiti yno, ond am nad yw'n cael ei ddefnyddio'n iawn, ar gais byrddau iechyd Cymru. Felly, a wnewch chi roi sicrwydd y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru’n cymryd camau i sicrhau nad yw cleifion y gogledd yn cael eu gorfodi'n fwriadol i aros yn hirach am driniaethau yn Lloegr er mwyn cuddio methiannau GIG Cymru?
Yes, absolutely, I can assure the Member that Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board have not made any changes to their contractual arrangements with Gobowen. I believe that there is some confusion, and that confusion, I think, can be addressed through a factual briefing that I'll ask the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care to provide all Members with. I'm also happy to meet with Gobowen hospital itself, and Betsi Cadwaladr, with yourself, Sam Rowlands, and I know as well that James Evans has an interest in this particular facility, given that it's used by many veterans in his constituency. So, he'd be welcome to join as well.
In brief, there are long waiting times at Gobowen for people referred directly for surgery. But long waits at Gobowen are not the result of people coming from Wales. I have received that same assurance, and I think this is why a meeting with both Gobowen and Betsi Cadwaladr would be very helpful indeed. Patients from north Wales are being treated—I have been assured—alongside English patients, with the same waiting time targets. But I do think that a meeting would be helpful, so that we can give assurance to our constituents.
Yn sicr, gallaf roi sicrwydd i'r Aelod nad yw Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Betsi Cadwaladr wedi gwneud unrhyw newidiadau i'w trefniadau cytundebol gydag ysbyty Gobowen. Rwy'n creu bod rhywfaint o ddryswch, a chredaf y gellir mynd i'r afael â'r dryswch hwnnw drwy friff ffeithiol y byddaf yn gofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol ei ddarparu i bob Aelod. Rwyf hefyd yn fwy na pharod i gyfarfod ag ysbyty Gobowen ei hun, a bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr, gyda chi, Sam Rowlands, a gwn hefyd fod gan James Evans ddiddordeb yn y cyfleuster penodol hwn, o ystyried ei fod yn cael ei ddefnyddio gan lawer o gyn-filwyr yn ei etholaeth. Felly, byddai croeso iddo yntau ymuno hefyd.
Yn gryno, mae pobl sy'n cael eu hatgyfeirio'n uniongyrchol am lawdriniaethau yn ysbyty Gobowen yn wynebu amseroedd aros hir. Ond nid pobl yn dod o Gymru sy'n gyfrifol am yr amseroedd aros hir yn ysbyty Gobowen. Rwyf wedi cael yr un sicrwydd, a chredaf mai dyma pam y byddai cyfarfod ag ysbyty Gobowen a bwrdd Betsi Cadwaladr yn fuddiol iawn yn wir. Mae cleifion o ogledd Cymru’n cael eu trin—cefais sicrwydd o hyn—ochr yn ochr â chleifion o Loegr, gyda'r un targedau o ran amseroedd aros. Ond credaf y byddai cyfarfod yn ddefnyddiol, fel y gallwn roi sicrwydd i'n hetholwyr.
Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr, Sam Rowlands.
Questions now from the party spokespeople. The Conservative spokesperson, Sam Rowlands.
Well, diolch, Llywydd. It’s been too long, Cabinet Secretary, since we last exchanged some words in this Chamber. [Laughter.] As we know, MPs in Westminster are currently considering the draft Railways Bill. A central element of that legislation is the future relationship between Great British Railways, Transport for Wales and both the UK and Welsh Governments. And, of course, much of this relationship appears to be a rest on a memorandum of understanding, but there’s been very little clarity on what that will actually contain. I’d be interested to understand what asks you and the Welsh Government are considering to be in that memorandum of understanding. And as the Bill is currently drafted in the House of Commons, there is no mechanism to ensure that Welsh taxpayers receive a fair share of revenue from Great British Railways services that operate partly in Wales. Equally, there’s no provision for profits from Transport for Wales services running in England to benefit English taxpayers. So, as the Cabinet Secretary, do you agree that there is an issue with fairness, and will you raise this matter directly with UK Government Ministers?
Wel, diolch, Lywydd. Mae wedi bod yn rhy hir, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ers y tro diwethaf inni ddadlau yn y Siambr hon. [Chwerthin.] Fel y gwyddom, mae ASau yn San Steffan wrthi'n ystyried y Bil Rheilffyrdd drafft. Elfen ganolog o'r ddeddfwriaeth honno yw'r berthynas yn y dyfodol rhwng Great British Railways, Trafnidiaeth Cymru, Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Cymru. Ac wrth gwrs, ymddengys bod llawer o'r berthynas hon yn seiliedig ar femorandwm cyd-ddealltwriaeth, ond ychydig iawn o eglurder sydd wedi bod ynghylch yr hyn y bydd hynny'n ei gynnwys mewn gwirionedd. Hoffwn ddeall beth yw'r gofynion rydych chi a Llywodraeth Cymru’n ystyried eu cynnwys yn y memorandwm cyd-ddealltwriaeth hwnnw. Ac fel y mae'r Bil wedi'i ddrafftio ar hyn o bryd yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin, nid oes unrhyw fecanwaith i sicrhau bod trethdalwyr Cymru’n cael cyfran deg o refeniw o wasanaethau Great British Railways sy'n gweithredu'n rhannol yng Nghymru. Yn yr un modd, nid oes unrhyw ddarpariaeth ar gyfer elw o wasanaethau Trafnidiaeth Cymru sy'n rhedeg yn Lloegr i fod o fudd i drethdalwyr Lloegr. Felly, fel Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a ydych chi'n cytuno bod problem gyda thegwch, ac a wnewch chi godi'r mater hwn yn uniongyrchol gyda Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU?
Can I thank Sam Rowlands for his question? I do welcome the Bill as a concerted effort to bring under control rail services that have been too fragmented, and to integrate track and train in the UK. That’s what we’ve done with the CVL—the core Valleys lines—and I think it’s demonstrated great success.
I should just point out that, when it comes to rail profits, very few routes actually generate a profit. Public transport tends to attract a subsidy, and that is the case pretty much across the whole of the TfW network. But it is a public service—a vital public service, in my view—so that subsidy is well justified.
In terms of the memorandum of understanding, draft heads of terms are currently being finalised between the two Governments. Our working relationship is indeed very strong and our long-term objective of devolution of heavy rail remains, but this is part of a process that will see greater collaboration and empower TfW and the Wales business unit within Great British Railways, meeting the needs of passengers across the Wales and borders network.
A gaf i ddiolch i Sam Rowlands am ei gwestiwn? Rwy'n croesawu'r Bil fel ymdrech gydlynol i gael trefn ar wasanaethau rheilffyrdd sydd wedi bod yn rhy dameidiog, ac i integreiddio traciau a threnau yn y DU. Dyna a wnaethom gyda llinellau craidd y Cymoedd, ac rwy'n credu ei fod wedi bod yn llwyddiant ysgubol.
Dylwn nodi, o ran elw rheilffyrdd, mai ychydig iawn o lwybrau sy'n cynhyrchu elw mewn gwirionedd. Mae trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus yn tueddu i gael ei sybsideiddio, ac mae hynny'n wir am rwydwaith cyfan Trafnidiaeth Cymru i bob pwrpas. Ond mae'n wasanaeth cyhoeddus—gwasanaeth cyhoeddus hollbwysig, yn fy marn i—felly mae cyfiawnhad cryf dros ei sybsideiddio.
O ran y memorandwm cyd-ddealltwriaeth, mae'r penawdau telerau drafft yn cael eu cwblhau ar hyn o bryd rhwng y ddwy Lywodraeth. Mae ein perthynas waith yn gryf iawn yn wir, ac mae ein hamcan hirdymor o ddatganoli rheilffyrdd trwm yn parhau, ond mae hyn yn rhan o broses a fydd yn sicrhau mwy o gydweithio ac yn grymuso Trafnidiaeth Cymru ac uned fusnes Cymru o fewn Great British Railways, gan ddiwallu anghenion teithwyr ar draws rhwydwaith Cymru a’r gororau.
Thank you for that response, Cabinet Secretary. Clearly a significant part of the Railways Bill is a move away from the franchise model that's been in existence for a long time here in the UK. But in moving away from that, I believe it's vital that we do not lose the innovation, competition and passenger-focused improvements that have come from other parts of the rail network.
That brings me to the open-access services, which have proven, in my view, to have a record of expanding choice, improving connectivity and driving economic growth, especially for regions at risk of being left behind. Open-access services are also essential for ensuring that passengers across Wales have a real say in the services they receive. They encourage competition, attract that new investment and provide flexible travel options that traditional franchises often cannot deliver. And you'll be aware of proposed services such as Wrexham, Shropshire and Midlands Railway's Wrexham to London, which show how open access can directly benefit local communities, boost things like tourism and strengthen the region's economic links to the rest of the UK. So, with the potential end of the franchise system in the Railways Bill, what steps will you be taking to go bigger and better with open access, such as the vital Wrexham to London passenger service, to boost the north-east of Wales's links to the rest of the UK?
Diolch am eich ymateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Yn amlwg, rhan sylweddol o'r Bil Rheilffyrdd yw ymbellhau oddi wrth y model masnachfreinio sydd wedi bodoli ers amser maith yma yn y DU. Ond wrth ymbellhau oddi wrth hynny, credaf ei bod yn hanfodol nad ydym yn colli'r arloesedd, y gystadleuaeth a'r gwelliannau sy'n canolbwyntio ar y teithwyr sydd wedi dod o rannau eraill o'r rhwydwaith rheilffyrdd.
Mae hynny'n fy arwain at y gwasanaethau mynediad agored, sydd, yn fy marn i, wedi profi bod ganddynt hanes o ehangu dewis, gwella cysylltedd a hybu twf economaidd, yn enwedig ar gyfer rhanbarthau sydd mewn perygl o gael eu gadael ar ôl. Mae gwasanaethau mynediad agored hefyd yn hanfodol i sicrhau bod gan deithwyr ledled Cymru lais go iawn yn y gwasanaethau a gânt. Maent yn annog cystadleuaeth, yn denu buddsoddiad newydd ac yn darparu opsiynau teithio hyblyg y mae masnachfreintiau traddodiadol yn aml yn methu eu darparu. Ac fe fyddwch yn gwybod am wasanaethau arfaethedig fel gwasanaeth Wrexham, Shropshire and Midlands Railway o Wrecsam i Lundain, sy'n dangos sut y gall mynediad agored fod o fudd uniongyrchol i gymunedau lleol, gan hybu pethau fel twristiaeth a chryfhau cysylltiadau economaidd y rhanbarth â gweddill y DU. Felly, gyda'r posibilrwydd y bydd y system fasnachfreinio'n dod i ben yn y Bil Rheilffyrdd, pa gamau y byddwch chi'n eu cymryd i fynd yn fwy ac yn well gyda mynediad agored, fel y gwasanaeth teithwyr hanfodol o Wrecsam i Lundain, i hybu cysylltiadau gogledd-ddwyrain Cymru â gweddill y DU?
Can I thank Sam Rowlands for the question and declare an interest in that the Wrexham to London service would be of obvious benefit to my constituents? It would be a fantastic service, which would complement other north Wales to London services. The great challenge that we face is with capacity constraints on the network, and I know that the Member is aware of this, and the Member has kindly offered to convene a meeting to discuss open-access services.
I am pleased that the rail Minister, Lord Peter Hendy, is determined to address capacity issues on the West Coast main line. That is the biggest block to having more regular services between north Wales and London. And I think, in protecting the interests of passengers by addressing capacity constraints, we will in the future see more services, more regular services, operate between north Wales and London via the midlands. Whether they are open-access services or directly controlled services is yet to be determined, but I think the key point here is that, if the capacity constraints can be addressed, then more services, by whatever means, can operate on the West Coast main line.
A gaf i ddiolch i Sam Rowlands am ei gwestiwn a datgan buddiant gan y byddai'r gwasanaeth rhwng Wrecsam a Llundain o fudd amlwg i fy etholwyr? Byddai'n wasanaeth gwych, a fyddai'n ategu gwasanaethau eraill rhwng gogledd Cymru a Llundain. Yr her fawr sy'n ein hwynebu yw cyfyngiadau capasiti ar y rhwydwaith, a gwn fod yr Aelod yn ymwybodol o hyn, ac mae'r Aelod wedi bod yn ddigon caredig i gynnull cyfarfod i drafod gwasanaethau mynediad agored.
Rwy'n falch fod y Gweinidog rheilffyrdd, yr Arglwydd Peter Hendy, yn benderfynol o fynd i'r afael â phroblemau capasiti ar brif lein Arfordir Gorllewin Lloegr. Dyna'r rhwystr mwyaf i gael gwasanaethau mwy rheolaidd rhwng gogledd Cymru a Llundain. Ac wrth ddiogelu buddiannau teithwyr drwy fynd i'r afael â chyfyngiadau capasiti, rwy'n credu y gwelwn fwy o wasanaethau yn y dyfodol, mwy o wasanaethau rheolaidd, yn gweithredu rhwng gogledd Cymru a Llundain drwy ganolbarth Lloegr. Nid oes penderfyniad wedi'i wneud eto pa un a ydynt yn wasanaethau mynediad agored neu'n wasanaethau a reolir yn uniongyrchol, ond os gellir mynd i'r afael â'r cyfyngiadau capasiti, credaf mai'r pwynt allweddol yma yw y gall mwy o wasanaethau, drwy ba fodd bynnag, weithredu ar brif lein Arfordir Gorllewin Lloegr.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Peredur Owen Griffiths.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Peredur Owen Griffiths.
Blwyddyn newydd dda.
Happy new year.
Yesterday, the First Minister said that she is more than happy to talk about rail, so let's just do that. Labour has pledged £45 billion for the Northern Powerhouse rail project. My question is very simple: will this be designated as an England and Wales project, and if so, should we be sending a map to the Treasury?
Ddoe, dywedodd y Prif Weinidog ei bod yn fwy na pharod i siarad am reilffyrdd, felly gadewch inni wneud hynny. Mae Llafur wedi addo £45 biliwn ar gyfer prosiect rheilffyrdd Northern Powerhouse. Mae fy nghwestiwn yn syml iawn: a fydd hwn yn cael ei ddynodi'n brosiect Cymru a Lloegr, ac os felly, a ddylem anfon map at y Trysorlys?
Well, there are a number of very good points on this. First of all, the Member doesn't represent a north Wales constituency, so may be ignorant about how many people actually access rail services on a cross-border nature. Let me just throw some facts out there. It's amazing, is it not, that more than a million passenger journeys are taken by Welsh citizens from Manchester Airport? At the moment, it takes more than two hours to get from Wrexham station to Manchester Airport. It takes more than one-and-a-half hours to get to Liverpool airport, where a huge number of Welsh citizens fly from. Many people—I think it's 30,000 at the moment—cross the border for work, and yet, if you were to take a train from Flint to Liverpool, it could take an hour and a half. If you were to take a train from Wrexham to Manchester, it could take as much as an hour and 50 minutes. What the announcement paves the way for is more services, more regular services, and faster services, across north Wales and the north-west. Wales does not end at the border.
Wel, mae nifer o bwyntiau da iawn ar hyn. Yn gyntaf oll, nid yw'r Aelod yn cynrychioli etholaeth yng ngogledd Cymru, felly efallai nad yw'n ymwybodol o faint o bobl sy'n defnyddio gwasanaethau rheilffordd trawsffiniol mewn gwirionedd. Gadewch imi nodi rhai ffeithiau. Mae'n anhygoel, onid yw, fod mwy na miliwn o deithiau'n cael eu gwneud gan ddinasyddion Cymru o Faes Awyr Manceinion? Ar hyn o bryd, mae'n cymryd mwy na dwy awr i fynd o orsaf Wrecsam i Faes Awyr Manceinion. Mae'n cymryd mwy nag awr a hanner i gyrraedd maes awyr Lerpwl, y mae nifer enfawr o ddinasyddion Cymru’n hedfan ohono. Mae llawer o bobl—credaf fod 30,000 ohonynt ar hyn o bryd—yn croesi'r ffin i weithio, ac eto, pe baech chi'n mynd ar drên o'r Fflint i Lerpwl, gallai gymryd awr a hanner. Pe baech y mynd ar drên o Wrecsam i Fanceinion, gallai gymryd hyd at awr a 50 munud. Yr hyn y mae'r cyhoeddiad yn paratoi'r ffordd ar ei gyfer yw mwy o wasanaethau, gwasanaethau mwy rheolaidd, a gwasanaethau cyflymach, ar draws gogledd Cymru a gogledd-orllewin Lloegr. Nid yw Cymru'n dod i ben ar y ffin.
Yes, it does. [Laughter.]
Ydy, wrth gwrs ei bod. [Chwerthin.]
That was Lee Waters responding to you rather than me.
The First Minister told us to expect a pipeline of investment for the near future. So, if that £45 billion was Barnettised, then we'd be looking at £2 billion-worth of investment coming to Wales. So, will Wales see any of that money? If not, will you call out your UK colleagues for treating Wales unfairly again?
Lee Waters a wnaeth ymateb i chi nid fi.
Dywedodd y Prif Weinidog wrthym y dylem ddisgwyl llif o fuddsoddiad yn y dyfodol agos. Felly, pe bai'r £45 biliwn hwnnw wedi'i Farnetteiddio, byddem yn edrych ar werth £2 biliwn o fuddsoddiad yn dod i Gymru. Felly, a fydd Cymru'n gweld ceiniog o'r arian hwnnw? Os na fydd, a wnewch chi feirniadu eich cyd-Aelodau ar lefel y DU am drin Cymru'n annheg unwaith eto?
Already, we've had £445 million announced for both construction work and development work on major heavy infrastructure projects in Wales. That includes stations that will amount to far, far more than the current period allocates. So, we will be drawing down additional funding. What was announced by UK Government is development funding within this control period that, if rail were devolved, would generate around £50 million in this period. The full allocation of the funding will come from future Governments. We will be publishing a pipeline of projects, a prospectus, very similar to the Northern Powerhouse rail prospectus, in the coming weeks. That is a hugely ambitious prospectus that will demonstrate two Governments that are investing in public transport as never before.
Eisoes, rydym wedi cael £445 miliwn wedi'i gyhoeddi ar gyfer gwaith adeiladu a gwaith datblygu ar brosiectau seilwaith trwm mawr yng Nghymru. Mae hynny'n cynnwys gorsafoedd a fydd yn costio llawer iawn mwy na'r hyn a ddyrannir yn y cyfnod presennol. Felly, byddwn yn tynnu cyllid ychwanegol i lawr. Yr hyn a gyhoeddwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU yw cyllid datblygu o fewn y cyfnod rheoli hwn a fyddai, pe bai'r rheilffyrdd yn cael eu datganoli, yn cynhyrchu oddeutu £50 miliwn yn y cyfnod hwn. Bydd dyraniad llawn y cyllid yn dod gan Lywodraethau'r dyfodol. Byddwn yn cyhoeddi cyfres o brosiectau, prosbectws, yn debyg iawn i brosbectws rheilffyrdd Northern Powerhouse, yn yr wythnosau nesaf. Mae hwnnw'n brosbectws hynod uchelgeisiol a fydd yn dangos dwy Lywodraeth sy'n buddsoddi mwy nag erioed mewn trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus.
Thank you for that. I'll look at that with interest when it comes. The Prime Minister admitted that people in Liverpool, Manchester and Yorkshire have been let down by broken promises, yet Wales has endured the same for 25 years, a dysfunctional rail funding system that forces the Welsh Government to pay for infrastructure it doesn't fully control. That's got to change. Last month, Westminster invited devolved English authorities to apply for full statutory and financial responsibility for rail. Has Wales been invited to these discussions? If not, what steps will the Welsh Government take to ensure that Wales is not left behind yet further?
Diolch. Byddaf yn edrych ar hwnnw gyda chryn ddiddordeb pan ddaw. Cyfaddefodd Prif Weinidog y DU fod pobl yn Lerpwl, Manceinion a swydd Efrog wedi cael eu siomi gan addewidion gwag, ond mae Cymru wedi dioddef yr un peth ers 25 mlynedd, system ariannu rheilffyrdd gamweithredol sy'n gorfodi Llywodraeth Cymru i dalu am seilwaith nad yw'n ei reoli'n llawn. Rhaid i hynny newid. Y mis diwethaf, fe wnaeth San Steffan wahodd awdurdodau datganoledig Lloegr i wneud cais am gyfrifoldeb statudol ac ariannol llawn dros reilffyrdd. A yw Cymru wedi cael ei gwahodd i'r trafodaethau hyn? Os na, pa gamau fydd Llywodraeth Cymru’n eu cymryd i sicrhau nad yw Cymru'n cael ei gadael ymhellach ar ôl?
This concerns local rail networks and local transport networks. We have a similar project under way in Cardiff with Cardiff Crossrail, and that's being led by Cardiff Council working with TfW. It's a very similar offer that's being made to English mayoralties, and I think it's right that local authorities—and in the case of Wales, Cardiff Council in this instance—are able to lead on local transport projects that include rail. With Cardiff Crossrail, it will be utilising stations such as Cardiff Central. So, what's being offered to English mayoralties is similar to what Cardiff are planning, with crossrail integrated into their regional transport system.
Mae a wnelo hyn â rhwydweithiau rheilffyrdd lleol a rhwydweithiau trafnidiaeth lleol. Mae gennym brosiect tebyg ar y gweill yng Nghaerdydd gyda Cledrau Croesi Caerdydd, ac mae hwnnw'n cael ei arwain gan Gyngor Caerdydd yn gweithio gyda Trafnidiaeth Cymru. Mae cynnig tebyg iawn yn cael ei wneud i faeryddiaethau Lloegr, a chredaf ei bod yn iawn fod awdurdodau lleol—ac yng nghyd-destun Cymru, Cyngor Caerdydd yn yr achos hwn—yn gallu arwain ar brosiectau trafnidiaeth lleol sy'n cynnwys rheilffyrdd. Gyda Cledrau Croesi Caerdydd, bydd yn defnyddio gorsafoedd fel Caerdydd Canolog. Felly, mae'r hyn sy'n cael ei gynnig i faeryddiaethau Lloegr yn debyg i'r hyn y mae Caerdydd yn ei gynllunio, gyda'r cledrau croesi'n cael eu hintegreiddio i'w system drafnidiaeth ranbarthol.
3. Sut mae'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet yn gweithio gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol i sicrhau nad yw cyn-filwyr yn wynebu anfanteision wrth gael mynediad at wasanaethau'r GIG? OQ63631
3. How is the Cabinet Secretary working with the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care to ensure veterans do not face disadvantages when accessing NHS services? OQ63631
I work with all of my Cabinet colleagues on the important issue of the well-being of veterans. I took an item to Cabinet on the armed forces covenant on 14 November, and met with the Minister for health and social care prior to that.
Rwy'n gweithio gyda fy holl gyd-Aelodau o'r Cabinet ar fater pwysig llesiant cyn-filwyr. Cyflwynais eitem i'r Cabinet ar gyfamod y lluoedd arfog ar 14 Tachwedd, a chyfarfûm â'r Gweinidog iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol cyn hynny.
That was a very short answer, Cabinet Secretary, but there we are. I know you had this discussion earlier with Sam Rowlands, but many of my constituents are veterans who have served our country and helped keep us safe. They're being told repeatedly that, because of their service to our country, they'll be treated as a priority when accessing NHS treatment across Wales—something that I'm very proud of. However, the reality of the experience on the ground is very different, with long waiting times and no recognition of their commitment. Most health boards are saying to veterans, 'Well, just because you're a veteran doesn't mean you get any preferential treatment.' So, Cabinet Secretary, can you outline what priority treatment for veterans actually means in practice, and how is misinformation being addressed? What steps are you taking to ensure that no veteran is left waiting unnecessarily across our country, because they deserve the recognition that they need for service to our country?
Roedd hwnnw'n ateb byr iawn, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ond dyna ni. Gwn eich bod wedi cael y drafodaeth hon yn gynharach gyda Sam Rowlands, ond mae llawer o fy etholwyr yn gyn-filwyr sydd wedi gwasanaethu ein gwlad ac wedi helpu i'n cadw'n ddiogel. Maent yn cael clywed dro ar ôl tro, oherwydd eu gwasanaeth i'n gwlad, y byddant yn cael eu blaenoriaethu ar gyfer mynediad at driniaeth y GIG ledled Cymru—rhywbeth rwy'n falch iawn ohono. Fodd bynnag, mae realiti'r profiad ar lawr gwlad yn wahanol iawn, gydag amseroedd aros hir a dim cydnabyddiaeth i'w hymrwymiad. Mae'r rhan fwyaf o fyrddau iechyd yn dweud wrth gyn-filwyr, 'Wel, nid yw'r ffaith eich bod yn gyn-filwr yn golygu eich bod yn cael unrhyw driniaeth ffafriol.' Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a allwch chi amlinellu beth y mae triniaeth flaenoriaethol i gyn-filwyr yn ei olygu'n ymarferol, a pha gamau sy'n cael eu cymryd i fynd i'r afael â chamwybodaeth? Pa gamau rydych chi'n eu cymryd i sicrhau nad oes unrhyw gyn-filwyr yn gorfod aros yn ddiangen ledled ein gwlad, gan eu bod yn haeddu'r gydnabyddiaeth sydd ei hangen arnynt am eu gwasanaeth i'n gwlad?
Can I thank the Member for his question? I would say that, first of all, we can't mandate Welsh health boards to refer patients to any specific service. However, where there is a service-related condition, then prioritisation can be considered by a health board, and, in my view, should be considered. The veterans trauma network can support health boards across Wales in assessing the case for prioritisation. Now, if this isn't being carried out at the highest quality and on a consistent basis across Wales, then it will need addressing by Ministers, and I'm happy to undertake work in regard to this. There will be a response to the NHS Wales review as well, which I hope will be able to address some of the Member's concerns, but I'd be happy to meet with the Member to discuss local instances of concern in his constituency.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiwn? Buaswn yn dweud, yn gyntaf oll, na allwn orfodi byrddau iechyd Cymru i atgyfeirio cleifion at unrhyw wasanaeth penodol. Fodd bynnag, lle ceir cyflwr sy'n gysylltiedig â'u gwasanaeth, gall bwrdd iechyd ystyried blaenoriaethu, ac yn fy marn i, fe ddylent ystyried hynny. Gall y rhwydwaith trawma cyn-filwyr gefnogi byrddau iechyd ledled Cymru i asesu'r achos dros flaenoriaethu. Nawr, os nad yw hyn yn digwydd i'r safon uchaf ac yn gyson ledled Cymru, bydd angen i Weinidogion fynd i'r afael â hynny, ac rwy'n fwy na pharod i ymgymryd â gwaith mewn perthynas â hyn. Bydd yna ymateb i adolygiad GIG Cymru hefyd, y gobeithiaf y gall fynd i'r afael â rhai o bryderon yr Aelod, ond rwy'n fwy na pharod i gyfarfod â'r Aelod i drafod achosion sy'n peri pryder yn lleol yn ei etholaeth.
4. Pa asesiad mae'r Llywodraeth wedi ei wneud o ddiogelwch yr A470? OQ63661
4. What assessment has the Government made of the safety of the A470? OQ63661
Well, we take road safety seriously, routinely reviewing police collision data to identify improvements. We undertook a pedestrian safety study at Trawsfynydd and have commissioned a speed review of the A470-A4212 junction, and we'll await the findings from the ongoing speed review to inform future improvements.
Wel, rydym o ddifrif ynghylch diogelwch ar y ffyrdd, ac yn adolygu data'r heddlu ar wrthdrawiadau yn rheolaidd i nodi gwelliannau. Fe wnaethom gynnal astudiaeth diogelwch cerddwyr yn Nhrawsfynydd ac rydym wedi comisiynu adolygiad cyflymder o gyffordd yr A470-A4212, a byddwn yn aros am ganfyddiadau'r adolygiad cyflymder parhaus i lywio gwelliannau yn y dyfodol.
Mae'n dda clywed am yr asesiadau yna o gyflymder ddaru chi sôn amdanynt yn Nhrawsfynydd, a gan nad ydych chi'n cynrychioli Gwynedd, gwnaf i gymryd eich bod chi ddim yn adnabod yr A470 yn y rhan yna o Gymru. Ond os ydych chi'n teithio o Gellilydan i'r gogledd drwy Drawsfynydd, heibio'r rhan yna sy'n cael ei alw'n Stesion, mae o'n ffordd syth iawn ac mae ceir yn mynd yn andros o sydyn. Mae yna bobl yn byw yn ochr Stesion sydd yn gorfod teithio a chroesi ffordd yr A470 er mwyn mynd i'r pentref i wneud eu siopa, er mwyn gweld eu hanwyliaid ac yn y blaen, ond yn benodol, felly, y plant sy'n gorfod croesi er mwyn mynd i Ysgol Bro Hedd Wyn. Mae o'n beryglus iddyn nhw, ac maen nhw'n gorfod cymryd eu bywydau i'w dwylo bob bore a bob prynhawn, felly mae angen gweithredu er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr bod y plant a phawb sydd yn gorfod croesi'r ffordd yna'n cael eu diogelu. A wnewch chi, ymhellach i'r asesiadau o gyflymder, edrych i weld pa gamau y gellir eu cymryd er mwyn gwneud y croesi yna'n fwy diogel i bobl ardal Stesion o Drawsfynydd, os gwelwch yn dda?
It's good to hear of those speed reviews that you mentioned in Trawsfynydd, and as you don't represent Gwynedd, I'll assume that you're not particularly familiar with the A470 in that part of Wales. But if you are travelling from Gellilydan northwards through Trawsfynydd, past that part that's called Stesion, it's a very straight road and cars travel very quickly. There are people living on the Stesion side who have to travel and cross the A470 in order to get to the village to do their shopping, to see their loved ones and so on, but specifically it's the children who have to cross in order to go to Ysgol Bro Hedd Wyn. It is very dangerous for them, and they have to take their lives in their own hands every afternoon and every morning, so we need action in order to ensure that the children and everyone else who has to cross that road are safeguarded. So, further to the speed reviews, will you look to see what steps could be taken in order to make that crossing safer for people in the Stesion area of Trawsfynydd, please?
Yes, I'm very happy to do that, and I'm very happy to consider any representation from the Member concerning road safety and pedestrian safety. I'm aware of concerns regarding safety on this particular stretch, and I can assure the Member that we'll be commencing on the A470, including this particular stretch of road, a transport needs and resilience study. Now, that study will focus on a number of areas, including resilience, but crucially it will cover safety. So, that work will be undertaken as soon as possible.
Wrth gwrs, rwy'n fwy na pharod i wneud hynny, ac rwy'n fwy na pharod i ystyried unrhyw sylwadau gan yr Aelod ynghylch diogelwch ar y ffyrdd a diogelwch cerddwyr. Rwy'n ymwybodol o bryderon ynghylch diogelwch ar y darn penodol hwn o ffordd, a gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod y byddwn yn cynnal astudiaeth o anghenion trafnidiaeth a gwydnwch ar yr A470, gan gynnwys y darn penodol hwn o ffordd. Nawr, bydd yr astudiaeth honno'n canolbwyntio ar nifer o feysydd, gan gynnwys gwydnwch, ond yn hollbwysig, bydd yn ymdrin â diogelwch. Felly, bydd y gwaith hwnnw'n cael ei wneud cyn gynted â phosib.
Cabinet Secretary, your predecessor consulted on introducing tolling along the A470 just outside Cardiff at Upper Boat. This consultation caused a lot of concern and anger. I'm keen to know whether or not the introduction of tolling along this section of the A470 was to improve driver safety, or was it just another Labour scheme of extracting more money from hard-pressed and hard-working residents? Will you now also take the opportunity to categorically rule out this harebrained proposal and reassure residents that tolling will not be introduced along the A470? Thank you.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ymgynghorodd eich rhagflaenydd ar gyflwyno tollau ar yr A470 y tu allan i Gaerdydd yng Nglan-bad. Achosodd yr ymgynghoriad hwn gryn dipyn o bryder a dicter. Rwy'n awyddus i wybod a gyflwynwyd tollau ar hyd y rhan hon o'r A470 er mwyn gwella diogelwch gyrwyr, neu ai dim ond cynllun arall gan y Blaid Lafur oedd hyn i gael mwy o arian gan drigolion gweithgar sydd dan bwysau? A wnewch chi achub ar y cyfle nawr hefyd i ddiystyru'r cynnig gwirion hwn yn llwyr a rhoi sicrwydd i drigolion na fydd tollau'n cael eu cyflwyno ar yr A470? Diolch.
Tolling is not being introduced.
Ni fydd tollau'n cael eu cyflwyno.
5. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio i ddiogelu gwasanaethau bysiau yng Ngogledd Cymru? OQ63639
5. How is the Welsh Government working to protect bus services in North Wales? OQ63639
We continue to work closely with Transport for Wales, local authorities and operators to ensure the north Wales region continues to be served by an extensive network of local bus services. Looking forwards, we aim to further enhance services through our bus franchising proposals.
Rydym yn parhau i weithio'n agos gyda Trafnidiaeth Cymru, awdurdodau lleol a gweithredwyr i sicrhau bod rhanbarth gogledd Cymru'n parhau i gael ei wasanaethu gan rwydwaith helaeth o wasanaethau bysiau lleol. Gan edrych tua'r dyfodol, ein nod yw gwella gwasanaethau ymhellach drwy ein cynigion masnachfreinio bysiau.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary. Before Christmas, I raised with the Cabinet Secretary for finance the cross-departmental importance of public transport, as it ensures access to health, education, employment and leisure opportunities, particularly for those living in rural communities.
As you are well aware, Transport for Wales have invested in good services across north Wales provided by the TrawsCymru network, primarily funded by the Welsh Government, including the T8. It's an invaluable service from Corwen to Chester through the rural villages of Clwyd and Mold—I should say Denbigh and Mold—as well as Gwynedd. I raised concerns regarding future funding for this service, and would like to ask that you follow this up with the Cabinet Secretary for finance to protect the viability of the T8 as we look to deliver franchising across north Wales, and I wonder if you do have actually any update regarding the T8 service.
Diolch, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Cyn y Nadolig, codais bwysigrwydd trawsadrannol trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros gyllid, gan ei bod yn sicrhau mynediad at gyfleoedd iechyd, addysg, cyflogaeth a hamdden, yn enwedig i'r rhai sy'n byw mewn cymunedau gwledig.
Fel y gwyddoch yn iawn, mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru wedi buddsoddi mewn gwasanaethau da ledled y gogledd wedi'u darparu gan rwydwaith TrawsCymru, a'u hariannu'n bennaf gan Lywodraeth Cymru, gan gynnwys y T8. Mae'n wasanaeth amhrisiadwy o Gorwen i Gaer trwy bentrefi gwledig Clwyd a'r Wyddgrug—neu sir Ddinbych a'r Wyddgrug, dylwn ddweud—yn ogystal â Gwynedd. Codais bryderon ynghylch cyllid ar gyfer y gwasanaeth hwn yn y dyfodol, a hoffwn ofyn ichi fynd ar drywydd hyn gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros gyllid i ddiogelu hyfywedd y T8 wrth inni edrych ar gyflwyno masnachfreinio ledled gogledd Cymru, a thybed a oes gennych unrhyw ddiweddariad ynghylch y gwasanaeth T8.
Well, can I thank Carolyn Thomas for her question and the representations that have been made in regard to not just the T8, but the wider bus network? I know that Carolyn has been a huge supporter, for example, of fare caps, and I was delighted to announce at the weekend our intention, if re-elected, to introduce a £2 fare cap for adults on bus services in Wales.
We have provided, over the last few years, funding to TfW and to Denbighshire County Council to enable them to operate the trial T8 bus. It is a hugely important service and has proved very successful indeed. It links Corwen, Ruthin, Mold and Chester, and the service operates once every hour in each direction, weekday and Saturday daytimes. It connects with other TrawsCymru routes at Corwen and Ruthin, so it's part of the overall package of services that really have improved standards of life in north Wales. I believe that around 120,000 passenger journeys have been made on the route over the last 12 months, so it's proven to be incredibly popular and successful. It also, I understand, is now going to be out for tender for continuing. The Member raises a very important point about funding for this particular service. I've met with the finance Minister, who agrees that it is a vitally important service—as are all TrawsCymru services across Wales. I'm pleased to say that the funding has been secured to continue this vitally important service. It also links people with key employment destinations. Something I've heard loud and clear over the years is the need to improve bus services to and from places of employment. In this regard, Broughton is a key employment centre for many people, and I'm delighted that this service is proving to be so popular.
Wel, a gaf i ddiolch i Carolyn Thomas am ei chwestiwn a'r sylwadau a wnaed ynghylch y T8, a'r rhwydwaith bysiau ehangach hefyd? Gwn fod Carolyn wedi bod yn gefnogwr mawr, er enghraifft, i gapio prisiau, ac ar y penwythnos roeddwn yn falch iawn o gyhoeddi ein bwriad, os cawn ein hailethol, i gyflwyno cap prisiau o £2 i oedolion ar wasanaethau bysiau yng Nghymru.
Dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, rydym wedi darparu cyllid i Trafnidiaeth Cymru ac i Gyngor Sir Dinbych i'w galluogi i weithredu'r bws treial T8. Mae'n wasanaeth hynod bwysig ac mae wedi bod yn llwyddiannus iawn. Mae'n cysylltu Corwen, Rhuthun, yr Wyddgrug a Chaer, ac mae'r gwasanaeth yn gweithredu unwaith bob awr i bob cyfeiriad, yn ystod yr wythnos ac ar ddydd Sadwrn. Mae'n cysylltu â llwybrau TrawsCymru eraill yng Nghorwen a Rhuthun, felly mae'n rhan o'r pecyn cyffredinol o wasanaethau sydd wedi gwella safonau byw yn y gogledd yn fawr. Credaf fod oddeutu 120,000 o deithiau wedi'u gwneud ar y llwybr dros y 12 mis diwethaf, felly mae wedi bod yn hynod boblogaidd a llwyddiannus. Hefyd, rwy'n deall y bydd tendr yn cael ei gynnig i barhau â'r llwybr. Mae'r Aelod yn codi pwynt pwysig iawn ynglŷn â chyllid ar gyfer y gwasanaeth penodol hwn. Rwyf wedi cyfarfod â'r Gweinidog cyllid, sy'n cytuno ei fod yn wasanaeth hanfodol bwysig—fel pob gwasanaeth TrawsCymru ledled Cymru. Rwy'n falch o ddweud bod y cyllid wedi'i sicrhau i barhau â'r gwasanaeth hanfodol bwysig hwn. Mae hefyd yn cysylltu pobl â chyrchfannau cyflogaeth allweddol. Rhywbeth a glywais yn glir ac yn groch dros y blynyddoedd yw'r angen i wella gwasanaethau bysiau i ac o fannau cyflogaeth. Yn hyn o beth, mae Brychdyn yn ganolfan gyflogaeth allweddol i lawer o bobl, ac rwy'n falch iawn fod y gwasanaeth hwn mor boblogaidd.
A slight change of tack, but small and medium-sized bus operators operating across north Wales are justifiably worried about the impact of your Bus Services (Wales) Bill on small businesses, rural communities and passengers, who simply want a reliable and affordable service. Although there's much talk in your Bill about designing services to benefit the passenger, Bus Users UK state there's unfortunately little mention of consultation with passengers to provide services that meet their needs.
Although the exemption in the Bill for community transport services will enable demand-responsive services to continue, this will not be as part of a franchised network in a zone. Given your previous statements that your franchise model will be different to that in Manchester, where council tax was increased to fund their scheme, how, evidentially, do you respond to concerns that your proposals risk driving small family-run bus operators in north Wales out of business?
Tamaid bach o newid cyfeiriad, ond mae gweithredwyr bysiau bach a chanolig sy'n gweithredu ledled gogledd Cymru yn poeni am effaith eich Bil Gwasanaethau Bysiau (Cymru) ar fusnesau bach, cymunedau gwledig a theithwyr, sydd ond eisiau gwasanaeth dibynadwy a fforddiadwy. Er bod llawer o sôn yn eich Bil am lunio gwasanaethau er budd y teithiwr, mae Bus Users UK yn dweud nad oes llawer o sôn am ymgynghori â theithwyr i ddarparu gwasanaethau sy'n diwallu eu hanghenion.
Er y bydd yr eithriad yn y Bil ar gyfer gwasanaethau trafnidiaeth cymunedol yn galluogi gwasanaethau ar alw i barhau, ni fydd hynny'n digwydd fel rhan o rwydwaith masnachfraint mewn ardal. O ystyried eich datganiadau blaenorol y bydd eich model masnachfraint yn wahanol i'r model ym Manceinion, lle codwyd y dreth gyngor i ariannu eu cynllun, sut rydych chi'n ymateb i bryderon fod eich cynigion yn creu perygl o yrru gweithredwyr bysiau bach teuluol yng ngogledd Cymru allan o fusnes?
I thank Mark Isherwood for the question, because it gives me an opportunity to give assurance to SMEs in Wales, who provide a vital service. We want to grow the network and we simply can't do that unless we support bus operators of all sizes, including SMEs. SMEs in rural constituencies in particular have proven to be the lifeline that communities rely on.
We'll be working with the sector to ensure that every opportunity is taken to ensure that SMEs can capture contracts that are going to be designed not just for the large operators, but for small and medium-sized enterprises. We'll be working with individual operators as well. I am very positive about the prospects for bus services in the future. Over the weekend, alongside the £2 fare cap, we announced that, if re-elected, we'd be introducing at least 100 new routes. That couldn't be achieved without the SME network that is currently in place.
In terms of demand-responsive bus services, they play a vitally important role in serving communities that are difficult to serve by conventional fixed routes. In Wales, of course, we've developed the Fflecsi brand, which has proven to be incredibly popular in some areas. With the Fflecsi scheme, local bus fares are charged, and all Fflecsi services, I'm pleased to say, are accepting the concessionary travel pass.
We've made good progress in rolling out Fflecsi schemes across north Wales, with really established services now in operation in the Conwy valley, in Denbigh, in Ruthin, Prestatyn, Holywell, Buckley, the Llŷn peninsula, Dolgellau and Machynlleth—an extensive network of Fflecsi services. As part of our preparations for bus franchising, Transport for Wales are working closely with councils across north Wales to identify additional locations for potential new Fflecsi schemes in the region. So, if anything, I think bus franchising provides a very positive future for the SME market in buses.
Diolch i Mark Isherwood am y cwestiwn, oherwydd mae'n rhoi cyfle imi roi sicrwydd i fusnesau bach a chanolig yng Nghymru sy'n darparu gwasanaeth hanfodol. Rydym eisiau tyfu'r rhwydwaith ac ni allwn wneud hynny oni bai ein bod yn cefnogi gweithredwyr bysiau o bob maint, gan gynnwys busnesau bach a chanolig. Mae busnesau bach a chanolig mewn etholaethau gwledig yn enwedig yn achubiaeth y mae cymunedau'n dibynnu arni.
Byddwn yn gweithio gyda'r sector i sicrhau y manteisir ar bob cyfle i sicrhau bod busnesau bach a chanolig yn gallu cael contractau sy'n mynd i gael eu cynllunio nid yn unig ar gyfer y gweithredwyr mawr, ond ar gyfer mentrau bach a chanolig. Byddwn yn gweithio gyda gweithredwyr unigol hefyd. Rwy'n gadarnhaol iawn am y rhagolygon ar gyfer gwasanaethau bysiau yn y dyfodol. Dros y penwythnos, ochr yn ochr â'r cap prisiau o £2, fe wnaethom gyhoeddi y byddem yn cyflwyno o leiaf 100 o lwybrau newydd os cawn ein hailethol. Ni ellid cyflawni hynny heb y rhwydwaith BBaChau sydd ar waith ar hyn o bryd.
O ran gwasanaethau bws ar alw, maent yn chwarae rhan hanfodol bwysig yn gwasanaethu cymunedau sy'n anodd eu gwasanaethu gan lwybrau sefydlog confensiynol. Yng Nghymru, wrth gwrs, rydym wedi datblygu'r brand Fflecsi, sy'n hynod boblogaidd mewn rhai ardaloedd. Gyda'r cynllun Fflecsi, codir prisiau bws lleol, ac mae holl wasanaethau Fflecsi, rwy'n falch o ddweud, yn derbyn y tocyn teithio consesiynol.
Rydym wedi gwneud cynnydd da ar gyflwyno cynlluniau Fflecsi ar draws gogledd Cymru, gyda gwasanaethau wedi eu sefydlu'n dda yn Nyffryn Conwy, yn Ninbych, yn Rhuthun, Prestatyn, Treffynnon, Bwcle, Pen Llŷn, Dolgellau a Machynlleth—rhwydwaith helaeth o wasanaethau Fflecsi. Yn rhan o'n paratoadau ar gyfer masnachfreinio bysiau, mae Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn gweithio'n agos gyda chynghorau ledled gogledd Cymru i nodi lleoliadau ychwanegol ar gyfer cynlluniau Fflecsi newydd posib yn y rhanbarth. Felly, os rhywbeth, rwy'n credu bod masnachfreinio bysiau yn cynnig dyfodol cadarnhaol iawn i farchnad BBaCh mewn bysiau.
6. A wnaiff yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet ddatganiad ar rôl Maes Awyr Caerdydd ym mholisi hedfan Llywodraeth Cymru? OQ63653
6. Will the Cabinet Secretary make a statement on the role of Cardiff Airport in the Welsh Government's aviation policy? OQ63653
Aviation policy is a reserved matter for the UK Government. However, Cardiff Airport plays a key role in the Welsh Government's economic strategy due to the benefits it brings to south Wales. It has been estimated to generate over £200 million in gross value added annually, supporting thousands of jobs in the region.
Mae polisi hedfan yn fater wedi'i gadw'n ôl i Lywodraeth y DU. Fodd bynnag, mae Maes Awyr Caerdydd yn chwarae rhan allweddol yn strategaeth economaidd Llywodraeth Cymru oherwydd y manteision y mae'n eu dwyn i dde Cymru. Amcangyfrifwyd y bydd yn cynhyrchu dros £200 miliwn mewn gwerth ychwanegol gros bob blwyddyn, gan gefnogi miloedd o swyddi yn y rhanbarth.
Thank you for that answer, Cabinet Secretary. I've asked various Cabinet Secretaries—and indeed, the First Minister—in relation to Qatar airlines coming back to Cardiff Airport. When you were economy Minister, this was a key portfolio responsibility for you. You are responsible for aviation policy, and you just linked it there to economic policy. Can you assure us that the Welsh Government is working with Cardiff Airport to make sure that that route does get re-established, as it is a critical bulwark to a hub airport in the middle east, to make sure that that connection drives forward the progress that we all want to see at Cardiff Airport, and in particular making sure that Cardiff loses that tag of being the only airport in the UK that hasn't had the Qatar Airways route re-established?
Diolch am yr ateb hwnnw, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rwyf wedi gofyn i amryw o Ysgrifenyddion Cabinet—a'r Prif Weinidog yn wir—mewn perthynas â Qatar Airways yn dychwelyd i Faes Awyr Caerdydd. Pan oeddech chi'n Weinidog yr economi, roedd hwn yn gyfrifoldeb portffolio allweddol i chi. Chi sy'n gyfrifol am bolisi hedfan, ac rydych chi newydd ei gysylltu â pholisi economaidd. A allwch chi ein sicrhau bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda Maes Awyr Caerdydd i sicrhau bod y llwybr hwnnw'n cael ei ailsefydlu, gan ei fod yn allweddol i faes awyr mawr yn y dwyrain canol, i sicrhau bod y cysylltiad hwnnw'n bwrw ymlaen â'r cynnydd yr ydym i gyd am ei weld ym Maes Awyr Caerdydd ac yn enwedig sicrhau bod Caerdydd yn colli'r enw o fod yn unig faes awyr y DU nad yw wedi ailsefydlu llwybr Qatar Airways?
I can recall very clearly the hard work that was undertaken in securing that particular route. It provided us with opportunities to access a hugely important economic market. I am pleased that the airport has been growing. It has been reporting positive increases in passenger numbers for the last 12 months. The airport recently announced the launch of a new transatlantic route to Canada with WestJet. That's incredibly exciting to be able to access Canada from Cardiff.
We're looking at supporting the airport in every way that we possibly can, including in identifying new routes and reinstating routes that have existed in the past. That includes the service that was provided by Qatar Airways. We're willing to work with them in the future to secure services and to re-establish vitally important connections to the middle east and beyond.
Gallaf gofio'n glir iawn y gwaith caled a wnaed i sicrhau'r llwybr penodol hwnnw. Rhoddodd gyfleoedd i ni gael mynediad at farchnad economaidd hynod bwysig. Rwy'n falch fod y maes awyr wedi bod yn tyfu. Mae wedi bod yn adrodd cynnydd cadarnhaol yn nifer y teithwyr am y 12 mis diwethaf. Yn ddiweddar, cyhoeddodd y maes awyr lansiad llwybr trawsatlantig newydd i Ganada gyda WestJet. Mae hynny'n hynod gyffrous i allu cael mynediad i Ganada o Gaerdydd.
Rydym yn edrych ar gefnogi'r maes awyr ym mhob ffordd y gallwn, gan gynnwys nodi llwybrau newydd ac adfer llwybrau sydd wedi bodoli yn y gorffennol. Mae hynny'n cynnwys y gwasanaeth a gâi ei ddarparu gan Qatar Airways. Rydym yn barod i weithio gyda nhw yn y dyfodol i sicrhau gwasanaethau ac i ailsefydlu cysylltiadau hanfodol bwysig â'r dwyrain canol a thu hwnt.
7. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda Chyngor Sir Powys i wella diogelwch cerddwyr, gan gynnwys pont droed newydd ar bont Caersŵs? OQ63647
7. How is the Welsh Government working with Powys County Council to improve pedestrian safety, including a new footbridge at Caersws bridge? OQ63647
Through our active travel, road safety and local transport grants, my officials and Transport for Wales are working closely with Powys council to improve pedestrian safety. The trunk road agent is also working with the council to progress options to improve pedestrian movements across the river at Caersws, including a new footbridge.
Drwy ein grantiau teithio llesol, diogelwch ar y ffyrdd a thrafnidiaeth leol, mae fy swyddogion a Trafnidiaeth Cymru yn gweithio'n agos gyda chyngor Powys i wella diogelwch cerddwyr. Mae'r asiant cefnffyrdd hefyd yn gweithio gyda'r cyngor i fwrw ymlaen ag opsiynau i wella llwybrau cerddwyr ar draws yr afon yng Nghaersŵs, gan gynnwys pont droed newydd.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary, I'm delighted to hear that. You may recall 10 years ago this year you and I visited the bridge to meet with local campaigners, and we both agreed that a safety improvement project was needed. I appreciate I raised this with you last month in correspondence, and you confirmed to me that you are working with Powys County Council to improve pedestrian movements across the river, including a new footbridge. This was positive, and I was pleased to hear this response and your response today. However, you will appreciate that, after 10 years, local frustration is at its all-time height because of the pace of progress. Of course, any new project would have to align with the Moat Lane junction proposals as well—the projects would have to align. I wonder, Cabinet Secretary, whether you would be able to update me and people living in the Caersws area on progress on both these projects, with possible construction start dates for each project also.
Diolch, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, rwy'n falch iawn o glywed hynny. Efallai y byddwch chi'n cofio 10 mlynedd yn ôl i eleni fe ymweloch chi a minnau â'r bont i gyfarfod ag ymgyrchwyr lleol, ac roedd y ddau ohonom yn cytuno bod angen prosiect gwella diogelwch. Rwy'n sylweddoli fy mod wedi codi hyn gyda chi fis diwethaf mewn gohebiaeth, ac fe wnaethoch chi gadarnhau eich bod yn gweithio gyda Chyngor Sir Powys i wella llwybrau cerddwyr ar draws yr afon, gan gynnwys pont droed newydd. Roedd hyn yn gadarnhaol, ac roeddwn yn falch o glywed yr ymateb hwnnw a'ch ymateb heddiw. Fodd bynnag, fe fyddwch yn deall, ar ôl 10 mlynedd, fod rhwystredigaeth y bobl leol yn uwch nag erioed oherwydd arafwch y cynnydd. Wrth gwrs, byddai'n rhaid i unrhyw brosiect newydd alinio â chynigion cyffordd Lôn y Clawdd hefyd—byddai'n rhaid i'r prosiectau alinio. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a wnewch chi roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i mi a'r bobl sy'n byw yn ardal Caersŵs ar gynnydd y ddau brosiect, gyda dyddiadau posib ar gyfer dechrau adeiladu'r prosiectau hefyd.
Can I thank Russell George for his supplementary question? I do recall the visit 10 years ago. It was a fine visit; we met with community members and discussed the need for improvements in the area. Since then, we've been working very closely with Powys County Council to improve pedestrian safety. This financial year alone we're providing substantial sums of money for active travel programmes in the area. Also, we're providing £1.5 million to improve the high street in Brecon to make it more pedestrian friendly. That will prove to be incredibly popular, I believe, with residents and visitors alike.
In terms of the Caersws pedestrian bridge, we've met with Powys County Council and reviewed the plans for the footbridge over the river. We've also been exploring alignment with our Moat Lane junction safety improvements. I'm delighted to inform the Member that both schemes align very well indeed. The next steps are to bring both project teams together. That's due to take place this month. I'm keen to move at maximum pace on this piece of work, given that it has taken 10 years to reach this point. In terms of the Moat Lane junction, the WelTAG appraisal for the junction has been completed, and we intend to start a consultation on the safety options before Easter—that's Easter of this year.
Diolch i Russell George am ei gwestiwn atodol. Rwy'n cofio'r ymweliad 10 mlynedd yn ôl. Roedd yn ymweliad gwych; fe wnaethom gyfarfod ag aelodau o'r gymuned a thrafod yr angen am welliannau yn yr ardal. Ers hynny, rydym wedi bod yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda Chyngor Sir Powys i wella diogelwch cerddwyr. Y flwyddyn ariannol hon yn unig rydym yn darparu symiau sylweddol o arian ar gyfer rhaglenni teithio llesol yn yr ardal. Hefyd, rydym yn darparu £1.5 miliwn i wella'r stryd fawr yn Aberhonddu i'w gwneud yn fwy cyfeillgar i gerddwyr. Bydd hynny'n hynod boblogaidd ymhlith thrigolion ac ymwelwyr fel ei gilydd.
O ran pont i gerddwyr Caersŵs, rydym wedi cyfarfod â Chyngor Sir Powys ac wedi adolygu'r cynlluniau ar gyfer y bont droed dros yr afon. Rydym hefyd wedi bod yn archwilio aliniad â'n gwelliannau diogelwch i gyffordd Lôn y Clawdd. Rwy'n falch iawn o hysbysu'r Aelod fod y ddau gynllun yn alinio'n dda iawn mewn gwirionedd. Y camau nesaf yw dod â'r ddau dîm prosiect at ei gilydd. Mae disgwyl i hynny ddigwydd y mis hwn. Rwy'n awyddus i symud mor gyflym â phosib gyda'r gwaith, o ystyried ei fod wedi cymryd 10 mlynedd i gyrraedd y pwynt hwn. O ran cyffordd Lôn y Clawdd, mae'r arfarniad WelTAG ar gyfer y gyffordd wedi'i gwblhau, ac rydym yn bwriadu dechrau ymgynghori ar yr opsiynau diogelwch cyn y Pasg eleni.
8. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i wella gwasanaethau bysiau a threnau yng Nghanolbarth a Gorllewin Cymru? OQ63654
8. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to improve bus and rail services in Mid and West Wales? OQ63654
The bus Bill, which recently passed Stage 4 of the scrutiny process, will introduce a franchised bus network across south-west Wales and mid Wales. On rail, new trains will be introduced on the Cambrian line later this year, following our £800 million investment in new rolling stock.
Bydd y Bil Bysiau, a basiodd Gyfnod 4 y broses graffu yn ddiweddar, yn cyflwyno rhwydwaith bysiau wedi'i fasnachfreinio ar draws de-orllewin Cymru a chanolbarth Cymru. Ar reilffyrdd, bydd trenau newydd yn cael eu cyflwyno ar lein y Cambrian yn ddiweddarach eleni, yn dilyn ein buddsoddiad o £800 miliwn mewn cerbydau newydd.
Cabinet Secretary, it will come as no surprise to you that Plaid Cymru are deeply disappointed by recent comments made by your colleague the Counsel General on rail devolution. This is the same Labour Government that previously recognised that full rail devolution is necessary to address chronic underfunding in Wales. Yet we are now told that Wales should be satisfied because Ministers have a very good working relationship with the UK Government on rail investment.
We know where that approach has led us. With HS2, Wales has lost out on billions of pounds of consequential funding, and the Labour Westminster Government are doing nothing about it. If Wales had the powers and the fair funding it's owed, we could deliver real change—for example, long overdue investment in rail further west than Cardiff and the Valleys, including the western Valleys metro, which has been talked about for years, and new stations in areas like St Clears. Can you explain why some in your Government, by opposing the devolution of rail, are choosing to hinder investment instead of standing up for Wales, given that the sum already received is a fraction of what we need?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ni fydd yn syndod i chi fod Plaid Cymru yn siomedig iawn ynghylch sylwadau diweddar a wnaed gan eich cyd-Aelod y Cwnsler Cyffredinol ar ddatganoli rheilffyrdd. Dyma'r un Lywodraeth Lafur a gydnabu'n flaenorol fod angen datganoli rheilffyrdd yn llawn i fynd i'r afael â thanariannu cronig yng Nghymru. Ond dywedir wrthym nawr y dylai Cymru fod yn fodlon am fod gan Weinidogion berthynas waith dda iawn gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar fuddsoddiad rheilffyrdd.
Fe wyddom i ble y mae'r dull hwn o weithredu wedi ein harwain. Gyda HS2, mae Cymru wedi colli biliynau o bunnoedd o gyllid canlyniadol, ac nid yw Llywodraeth Lafur San Steffan yn gwneud unrhyw beth am hynny. Pe bai Cymru'n cael y pwerau a'r cyllid teg sy'n ddyledus iddi, gallem gyflawni newid gwirioneddol—er enghraifft, buddsoddiad hirddisgwyliedig mewn rheilffyrdd ymhellach i'r gorllewin na Chaerdydd a'r Cymoedd, gan gynnwys metro'r Cymoedd gorllewinol, y bu sôn amdano ers blynyddoedd, a gorsafoedd newydd mewn ardaloedd fel Sanclêr. A allwch chi esbonio pam y mae rhai yn eich Llywodraeth, drwy wrthwynebu datganoli rheilffyrdd, yn dewis rhwystro buddsoddiad yn hytrach na sefyll dros Gymru, o ystyried nad yw'r swm a gafwyd eisoes ond yn rhan fach iawn o'r hyn sydd ei angen arnom?
Can I thank the Member for his question? I think it's unfair to portray what the Counsel General said in that way. The Counsel General raised valuable points about the need to have a phased approach to rail devolution to negotiate fully, and to be responsible and to go into the process with eyes wide open. We know that from our experience in upgrading the core Valleys lines. There are a number of key issues that need to be addressed, and this is why devolution of rail infrastructure is a process, not one big-bang moment.
First of all, it has to be determined what exactly are you looking at devolving. Is it the whole of the infrastructure within Wales, or is it the whole of the infrastructure on the Wales and borders route? Obviously, it has to be the Wales and borders route, because so many services are cross-border, and we need to ensure that the entire route is upgraded and invested in. The second point that needs to be considered is how you would then go about being accountable to elected members not just within Wales but outside of Wales as well. How would the process of devolution work vis-à-vis the powers that metro mayors have, for example? How would we work with them?
We've heard today a disagreement over whether there should be investment in rail infrastructure on a cross-border basis. I think it would be very difficult to secure agreement from any metro mayors for us to take powers over infrastructure in their regions if we are arguing that there shouldn't be investment in it. We have to have cross-border collaboration in order to devolve the entire network. Otherwise, we would only be able to have the network devolved within Wales.
Then, the question arises over what sort of fair funding settlement is required. Is it on the basis of per passenger carried, or is it on the basis of per passenger kilometre, or is it on another metric? The challenge that we've got is that, based on the Office of Rail and Road's estimates, the per passenger investment in Wales is substantially higher than England and Scotland, and that's because many of our services generate far less in terms of revenue, because we carry fewer passengers on many of our services. So, how would we address that financial challenge going forward?
These are not insurmountable challenges, but we have to be grown up about the process of devolving heavy infrastructure. My personal view is that based on the learning of the core Valleys lines, a phased process is a sensible and safe process, and so too a process that looks at the individual aspects of the network. For example, the next step could be devolving a key component such as the north Wales main line, or the Wrexham to Liverpool line, or the Cambrian line, rather than all of the network in one go.
The reason I say this is because when catastrophic events occur that are unforeseen, if it's devolved it will fall on us to pay for them to be restored. For example, on Barmouth bridge, I think that cost in the region of £30 million. The Conwy valley line that Janet Finch-Saunders knows very well is annually hit by storms, climate change events. Any work there would have to be paid for by us under a devolved settlement, so would we want to have devolution of that particular stretch of line?
These are all really important issues that have yet to be discussed extensively. I'm not saying that we need to ignore them at all. We need to get them out in the open in order to decide the process and the phasing of how we devolve heavy rail infrastructure. These are just sensible questions that need to be asked.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiwn? Rwy'n credu ei bod yn annheg portreadu'r hyn a ddywedodd y Cwnsler Cyffredinol yn y modd hwnnw. Cododd y Cwnsler Cyffredinol bwyntiau gwerthfawr am yr angen i gael dull graddol o ddatganoli rheilffyrdd i negodi'n llawn, ac i fod yn gyfrifol ac i fynd i mewn i'r broses gyda'n llygaid yn llydan agored. Rydym yn gwybod hynny o'n profiad o uwchraddio llinellau craidd y Cymoedd. Mae yna nifer o faterion allweddol y mae angen mynd i'r afael â nhw, a dyna pam mai proses yw datganoli seilwaith rheilffyrdd, nid un digwyddiad mawr.
Yn gyntaf oll, rhaid penderfynu beth yn union yr hoffech ei weld yn cael ei ddatganoli. Ai'r seilwaith cyfan yng Nghymru, neu'r seilwaith cyfan ar lwybr Cymru a'r gororau? Yn amlwg, rhaid iddo fod yn llwybr Cymru a'r gororau, oherwydd mae cymaint o wasanaethau'n drawsffiniol, ac mae angen inni sicrhau bod y llwybr cyfan yn cael ei uwchraddio ac yn cael buddsoddiad. Yr ail bwynt sydd angen ei ystyried yw sut y byddech chi wedyn yn mynd ati i fod yn atebol i aelodau etholedig nid yn unig yng Nghymru ond y tu allan i Gymru hefyd. Sut y byddai'r broses ddatganoli'n gweithio o ystyried y pwerau sydd gan feiri metro, er enghraifft? Sut y byddem ni'n gweithio gyda nhw?
Clywsom anghytuno heddiw ynglŷn ag a ddylid buddsoddi mewn seilwaith rheilffyrdd ar sail drawsffiniol. Rwy'n credu y byddai'n anodd iawn sicrhau cytundeb gan unrhyw feiri metro i ni gael pwerau dros seilwaith yn eu rhanbarthau os ydym yn dadlau na ddylid buddsoddi ynddo. Rhaid inni gael cydweithrediad trawsffiniol er mwyn datganoli'r rhwydwaith cyfan. Fel arall, dim ond yng Nghymru y byddai modd datganoli'r rhwydwaith.
Wedyn, mae cwestiwn yn codi ynghylch pa fath o setliad cyllido teg sydd ei angen. Ai ar sail nifer y teithwyr a gludir, neu ar sail nifer cilomedrau y teithiwr, neu fetrig arall? Yn seiliedig ar amcangyfrifon y Swyddfa Rheilffyrdd a Ffyrdd, yr her sydd gennym yw bod y buddsoddiad fesul teithiwr yng Nghymru yn sylweddol uwch na Lloegr a'r Alban, a hynny oherwydd bod llawer o'n gwasanaethau'n cynhyrchu llawer llai o ran refeniw, am ein bod yn cario llai o deithwyr ar lawer o'n gwasanaethau. Felly, sut yr aem i'r afael â'r her ariannol honno yn y dyfodol?
Nid yw'r rhain yn heriau anorchfygol, ond mae'n rhaid inni ystyried yn aeddfed y broses o ddatganoli seilwaith trwm. Yn seiliedig ar yr hyn a ddysgwyd o brofiad llinellau craidd y Cymoedd, fy marn bersonol i yw bod proses fesul cam yn un synhwyrol a diogel, ac felly hefyd proses sy'n edrych ar agweddau unigol y rhwydwaith. Er enghraifft, efallai mai'r cam nesaf fydd datganoli rhan allweddol fel prif linell gogledd Cymru, neu linell Wrecsam i Lerpwl, neu lein y Cambrian, yn hytrach na'r rhwydwaith cyfan ar unwaith.
Y rheswm pam rwy'n dweud hyn yw oherwydd pan fydd digwyddiadau trychinebus na ellir eu rhagweld yn digwydd, os yw wedi ei ddatganoli, ni fydd yn ysgwyddo'r gost o dalu am eu hadfer. Er enghraifft, rwy'n credu bod adfer pont Abermaw wedi costio oddeutu £30 miliwn. Mae llinell dyffryn Conwy y mae Janet Finch-Saunders yn ei hadnabod yn dda iawn yn cael ei tharo bob blwyddyn gan stormydd, digwyddiadau newid hinsawdd. Byddai'n rhaid inni dalu am unrhyw waith yno o dan setliad datganoledig, felly a fyddem am weld y darn penodol hwnnw o lein yn cael ei ddatganoli?
Mae'r rhain i gyd yn faterion pwysig iawn sydd eto i'w trafod yn helaeth. Nid wyf yn dweud bod angen inni eu hanwybyddu. Mae angen inni eu gwyntyllu er mwyn penderfynu ar y broses a'r camau ar gyfer datganoli seilwaith rheilffyrdd trwm. Mae'r rhain yn gwestiynau synhwyrol sydd angen eu gofyn.
Cabinet Secretary, something that I've raised here before is the need to improve bus services from the town of Carmarthen to Aberystwyth. Obviously, there's been an investigation as to whether the reopening of the rail line from Carmarthen to Aberystwyth is feasible or not, so I'd appreciate an opinion from the Welsh Government on that. But what I've called for is an express bus route from Carmarthen to Aberystwyth in lieu of those rail services, rather than the TrawsCymru network service stopping at every village and making that journey far longer than it needs to be for those that wish to travel between Aberystwyth and Carmarthen.
And on a third point, the issue around the park-and-ride at Carmarthen showground, I've raised this: buses stop there to charge because they're electric buses, but passengers can't board the buses at the showground. They need to get up to Lammas Street in Carmarthen town and board the bus there. This seems to be a really odd anomaly, the inability for passengers to access the bus service through a park-and-ride system at Carmarthen showground. I've raised this before and I've had warm agreement in terms of the principle around it, but some further investigation would be most welcome.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, rhywbeth yr wyf wedi'i godi yma o'r blaen yw'r angen i wella gwasanaethau bysiau o dref Caerfyrddin i Aberystwyth. Yn amlwg, mae ymchwiliad wedi bod ynglŷn ag a yw ailagor y rheilffordd o Gaerfyrddin i Aberystwyth yn bosib ai peidio, felly buaswn yn gwerthfawrogi barn gan Lywodraeth Cymru ar hynny. Ond yr hyn y gelwais amdano yw llwybr bws cyflym o Gaerfyrddin i Aberystwyth yn lle'r gwasanaethau rheilffordd hynny, yn hytrach na bod gwasanaeth rhwydwaith TrawsCymru yn aros ym mhob pentref a gwneud y daith yn llawer hirach nag sydd angen iddi fod i'r rhai sy'n dymuno teithio rhwng Aberystwyth a Chaerfyrddin.
Ac ar drydydd pwynt, y mater ynglŷn â pharcio a theithio ar faes y sioe yng Nghaerfyrddin, rwyf wedi codi hyn: mae bysiau'n aros yno i wefru am eu bod yn fysiau trydan, ond ni all teithwyr fynd ar y bysiau ar faes y sioe. Mae angen iddynt fynd i Stryd Lammas yn nhref Caerfyrddin a mynd ar y bws yno. Mae hyn i'w weld yn anomaledd rhyfedd iawn, yr anallu i deithwyr gael mynediad i'r gwasanaeth bws trwy system parcio a theithio ar faes y sioe Caerfyrddin. Rwyf wedi codi hyn o'r blaen a chlywais lawer o gytundeb ynghylch yr egwyddor, ond byddai ymchwiliad pellach yn dderbyniol iawn.
I'm happy to further investigate that issue. I recall the Member has raised it in the past. It does need to be looked at again. And in terms of services by rail or by bus between key communities, I think the role of TrawsCymru has proven to be hugely important. We're investing something in the region of £7.3 million to provide quality TrawsCymru bus services on strategic routes across Wales, and we've developed a really extensive network of services across mid and west Wales in particular, including the T1 service that links Aberystwyth with Carmarthen, and the T4 service linking Newtown and Merthyr Tydfil. The T5 service is well used as well, so too the T6 service between Bangor and Swansea. And I'm pleased to say that, in September, we were able to restore frequency of key TrawsCymru T5 routes linking Haverfordwest with Aberystwyth, along with a new Sunday service as well, which is delivering significant passenger growth.
In terms of rapid services, we are carrying out a review of the possibility of introducing more limited-stop coach services linking north, mid and south Wales and west Wales. That's currently being considered, and I hope to have some positive news in the not too distant future on that.
Rwy'n hapus i ymchwilio ymhellach i'r mater hwnnw. Rwy'n cofio bod yr Aelod wedi ei godi yn y gorffennol. Mae angen edrych arno eto. Ac o ran gwasanaethau ar y trên neu ar fws rhwng cymunedau allweddol, credaf fod rôl TrawsCymru wedi bod yn hynod o bwysig. Rydym yn buddsoddi rhywbeth tebyg i £7.3 miliwn i ddarparu gwasanaethau bws TrawsCymru o safon ar lwybrau strategol ledled Cymru, ac rydym wedi datblygu rhwydwaith helaeth iawn o wasanaethau ledled canolbarth a gorllewin Cymru yn enwedig, yn gynnwys y gwasanaeth T1 sy'n cysylltu Aberystwyth â Chaerfyrddin, a'r gwasanaeth T4 sy'n cysylltu'r Drenewydd a Merthyr Tudful. Mae'r gwasanaeth T5 yn cael defnydd da hefyd, felly hefyd y gwasanaeth T6 rhwng Bangor ac Abertawe. Ac rwy'n falch o ddweud, ym mis Medi, gallasom adfer amlder llwybrau TrawsCymru T5 allweddol sy'n cysylltu Hwlffordd ag Aberystwyth, ynghyd â gwasanaeth dydd Sul newydd hefyd, sy'n sicrhau cynnydd sylweddol yn niferoedd teithwyr.
O ran gwasanaethau cyflym, rydym yn cynnal adolygiad o'r posibilrwydd o gyflwyno mwy o wasanaethau bysiau gyda nifer cyfyngedig o fannau aros i gysylltu gogledd, canolbarth a de Cymru a gorllewin Cymru. Mae hynny dan ystyriaeth ar hyn o bryd, ac rwy'n gobeithio cael newyddion cadarnhaol ar hynny yn lled fuan.
Cabinet Secretary, I was delighted to read your update issued before Christmas recess regarding the Global Centre of Rail Excellence. The state-of-the-art rail testing facility promises to be a boon for Ystradgynlais and a shot in the arm for economic development across that region. Your statement outlined the barriers and Welsh Government-led solutions to progressing the project, namely final construction costs. Are you able to provide an update on the design and development work your department is funding to keep the project on track and rolling forward?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, roeddwn yn falch iawn o ddarllen eich diweddariad a gyhoeddwyd cyn toriad y Nadolig ar y Ganolfan Ragoriaeth Fyd-eang ar gyfer Rheilffyrdd. Mae'r cyfleuster profi rheilffyrdd o'r radd flaenaf yn addo bod o fudd i Ystradgynlais ac yn hwb i ddatblygiad economaidd ar draws y rhanbarth hwnnw. Roedd eich datganiad yn amlinellu'r rhwystrau a'r atebion a arweinir gan Lywodraeth Cymru i fwrw ymlaen â'r prosiect, sef y costau adeiladu terfynol. A allwch chi roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y gwaith cynllunio a datblygu y mae eich adran yn ei ariannu i gadw'r prosiect ar y trywydd iawn ac yn symud yn ei flaen?
Well, can I thank Joyce Watson for her question? The Global Centre of Rail Excellence is one of the most exciting innovation projects, I believe, that is currently planned within Wales. It would be a huge facility in an area of Wales that does need employment opportunities, and employment opportunities of the highest standard. We meet regularly with the leaders of GCRE and with local authority representatives, with UK Ministers as well, and I know that the rail Minister, Peter Hendy, is very, very interested in this scheme, as it could contribute to greater reliability and punctuality of trains across the UK network. This is a project that will not just ensure that tracks are tested and trains are tested, but also that signalling and new and high-tech equipment can be safely tested off the main lines. So, it's a vitally important provision for the rail industry. There is potential as well to link in with other elements of economic development, such as technologies in other areas and also, potentially, data. So, we're working very closely with the company. We're ensuring that it has got the support that's needed for it to reach the point of final investment, and I'm very, very optimistic about its prospects.
Wel, diolch i Joyce Watson am ei chwestiwn, Mae'r Ganolfan Ragoriaeth Fyd-eang ar gyfer Rheilffyrdd yn un o'r prosiectau arloesi mwyaf cyffrous sydd wedi'u cynllunio yng Nghymru ar hyn o bryd. Byddai'n gyfleuster enfawr mewn ardal o Gymru sydd angen cyfleoedd cyflogaeth, a chyfleoedd cyflogaeth o'r safon uchaf. Rydym yn cyfarfod yn rheolaidd ag arweinwyr y ganolfan ragoriaeth a chynrychiolwyr awdurdodau lleol, gyda Gweinidogion y DU hefyd, a gwn fod gan y Gweinidog rheilffyrdd, Peter Hendy, ddiddordeb mawr iawn yn y cynllun, gan y gallai gyfrannu at drenau mwy dibynadwy a phrydlon ar draws rhwydwaith y DU. Mae hwn yn brosiect a fydd nid yn unig yn sicrhau bod traciau'n cael eu profi a threnau'n cael eu profi, ond hefyd y gellir profi signalau ac offer uwch-dechnoleg a newydd yn ddiogel oddi ar y prif linellau. Felly, mae'n ddarpariaeth hanfodol bwysig i'r diwydiant rheilffyrdd. Mae potensial i gysylltu ag elfennau eraill o ddatblygiad economaidd, megis technolegau mewn meysydd eraill, a data hefyd o bosib. Felly, rydym yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda'r cwmni. Rydym yn sicrhau ei fod yn cael y gefnogaeth sydd ei hangen iddo fuddsoddi'n derfynol, ac rwy'n optimistaidd iawn ynghylch ei ragolygon.
Diolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet.
I thank the Cabinet Secretary.
Y cwestiynau nesaf fydd y rhai i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros Gyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Peredur Owen Griffiths.
The next questions will be those to the Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice, and the first question is from Peredur Owen Griffiths.
1. Beth mae'r Llywodraeth yn ei wneud i fynd i'r afael â thlodi yn Nwyrain De Cymru? OQ63657
1. What is the Government doing to combat poverty in South Wales East? OQ63657
2. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i leihau tlodi yn Nwyrain De Cymru? OQ63640
2. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to reduce poverty in South Wales East? OQ63640
Diolch yn fawr. Llywydd, I understand that you've given your permission to group questions 1 and 2. The Welsh Government is working to combat poverty across Wales, including in South Wales East, as a priority. Since 2022, we've invested over £7 billion in interventions that reduce costs, maximise the incomes of families and keep money in the pockets of Welsh citizens. In February, the first baby bundles will be delivered to eligible families.
Diolch yn fawr. Lywydd, deallaf eich bod wedi rhoi eich caniatâd i grwpio cwestiynau 1 a 2. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio i fynd i'r afael â thlodi ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys yn Nwyrain De Cymru, fel blaenoriaeth. Ers 2022, rydym wedi buddsoddi dros £7 biliwn mewn ymyriadau sy'n lleihau costau, yn gwella incwm teuluoedd a chadw arian ym mhocedi dinasyddion Cymru. Ym mis Chwefror, bydd y bwndeli babi cyntaf yn cael eu dosbarthu i deuluoedd cymwys.
Diolch am yr ateb yna.
Thank you for that response.
I welcome the announcement of the UK Labour Government on scrapping the two-child limit on benefits. Like many, I'm wondering why it took your party colleagues so long to shelve such a callous and cruel policy. Thousands of families across Wales have been pushed into poverty, or deeper into poverty, as a result of this policy since its introduction in 2017. The Bevan Foundation have demonstrated in their research that increasing access to funded childcare and the introduction of a child payment for families that most need it would be crucial components in this fight. Both policies are commitments of Plaid Cymru in the event that we win the next Senedd election. Do you regret that your Government has not implemented such policies and made inroads into reducing the unacceptable poverty levels across the country?
Rwy'n croesawu cyhoeddiad Llywodraeth Lafur y DU ar ddileu'r terfyn dau blentyn ar fudd-daliadau. Fel llawer o bobl, rwy'n meddwl tybed pam y cymerodd eich cyd-bleidwyr gymaint o amser i roi diwedd ar bolisi mor greulon. Mae miloedd o deuluoedd ledled Cymru wedi cael eu gwthio i dlodi, neu'n ddyfnach i dlodi, o ganlyniad i'r polisi hwn ers ei gyflwyno yn 2017. Mae Sefydliad Bevan wedi dangos yn eu hymchwil y byddai cynyddu mynediad at ofal plant wedi'i ariannu a chyflwyno taliad plant i'r teuluoedd sydd ei angen fwyaf yn elfennau hanfodol yn y frwydr hon. Mae'r ddau bolisi yn ymrwymiadau gan Blaid Cymru os enillwn etholiad nesaf y Senedd. A ydych chi'n difaru nad yw eich Llywodraeth wedi gweithredu polisïau o'r fath a llwyddo i leihau rhywfaint ar y lefelau tlodi annerbyniol ledled y wlad?
Diolch yn fawr, Peredur. The Welsh Government very much welcome and called for the Chancellor's action in the budget, that the two-child limit will be removed, and it's important we can again say that today. It's simply not right that children have been forced to live in poverty as a direct result of the decisions taken by the previous UK Government. I'm sure colleagues across the Chamber will want to know that, according to the UK Government, the announcement will bring relief to 69,000 children in Wales who have been denied financial support from the UK benefit system. In South Wales East, and we're looking at that particularly, around 5,900 children are currently excluded from their parents' universal credit claim because of the two-child limit. But, from April, that changes. For the first time, parents and guardians will be entitled to have a child element for these children included in the calculation of the universal credit maximum award. The child element is worth £303.94 per month for each child, and I think also it's important just to put into perspective that a parent in South Wales East with four children, two of whom were born after April 2017, could see their monthly universal credit award increase by £607.88—a significant boost to their household income. So, I'm grateful I can put that on the record.
Of course, as you know and as I've already reported, we don't have the powers to introduce or implement a child payment in Wales, but we are looking closely at the arrangements in Scotland in terms of their powers and what would be needed—the work that we're doing in terms of devolving the administration of benefits in Wales, which would give that power.
But I think it is very important, in relation to childcare, that we do look at the Flying Start £25-million expansion—the further expansion of Flying Start childcare—and the £120 million for childcare availability. But, again, back to welcoming that real boost for families in terms of removing the two-child limit.
Diolch yn fawr, Peredur. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn falch iawn o weld y Canghellor yn gweithredu yn y gyllideb i ddileu'r terfyn dau blentyn, fel y gwnaethant alw arni i'w wneud, ac mae'n bwysig inni allu dweud hynny eto heddiw. Nid yw'n iawn fod plant wedi cael eu gorfodi i fyw mewn tlodi o ganlyniad uniongyrchol i'r penderfyniadau a wnaed gan Lywodraeth flaenorol y DU. Rwy'n siŵr y bydd cyd-Aelodau ar draws y Siambr eisiau gwybod y bydd y cyhoeddiad, yn ôl Llywodraeth y DU, yn gwella bywydau 69,000 o blant yng Nghymru a amddifadwyd o gymorth ariannol gan system fudd-daliadau'r DU. Yn Nwyrain De Cymru, ac rydym yn edrych ar hynny'n benodol, mae tua 5,900 o blant ar hyn o bryd wedi'u heithrio o hawliad credyd cynhwysol eu rhieni oherwydd y terfyn dau blentyn. Ond o fis Ebrill ymlaen, mae hynny'n newid. Am y tro cyntaf, bydd gan rieni a gwarcheidwaid hawl i gael elfen plentyn ar gyfer y plant hyn wedi ei chynnwys wrth gyfrifo'r mwyafswm o gredyd cynhwysol. Mae'r elfen plentyn yn werth £303.94 y mis ar gyfer pob plentyn, ac rwy'n credu hefyd ei bod yn bwysig gosod mewn persbectif y gallai rhiant yn Nwyrain De Cymru sydd â phedwar o blant, dau ohonynt wedi'u geni ar ôl Ebrill 2017, weld lefel eu credyd cynhwysol misol yn codi £607.88—hwb sylweddol i incwm eu cartrefi. Felly, rwy'n falch o allu cofnodi hynny.
Wrth gwrs, fel y gwyddoch ac fel y nodais eisoes, nid oes gennym bwerau i gyflwyno neu weithredu taliad plant yng Nghymru, ond rydym yn edrych yn fanwl ar y trefniadau yn yr Alban o ran eu pwerau nhw a'r hyn y byddai ei angen—y gwaith a wnawn ar ddatganoli gweinyddu budd-daliadau yng Nghymru, a fyddai'n rhoi'r pŵer hwnnw.
Ond mewn perthynas â gofal plant, rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn ein bod yn edrych ar y £25 miliwn i ehangu Dechrau'n Deg—ehangu gofal plant Dechrau'n Deg ymhellach—a'r £120 miliwn i ofal plant fod ar gael. Ond unwaith eto, gallwn groesawu'r hwb gwirioneddol i deuluoedd yn sgil dileu'r terfyn dau blentyn.
Thank you for your answer, Cabinet Secretary. I was listening intently. Early intervention and prevention is key to tackling the root cause of poverty. As Newport City Council's own anti-poverty strategy states, and I quote,
'It is important that the Council, other public bodies, and organisations can identify, and provide the necessary early intervention to prevent people from reaching a crisis point and falling into poverty.'
However, the Newport-based charity called Sparkle, which supports hundreds of Gwent children and young people with complex needs and their families, preventing them from hitting a crisis point, includes poverty as well. They have been facing a precarious financial position in recent times. Sparkle runs a £200,000 deficit year on year and relies on large unplanned-for donations to bail them out, which by their very nature are unpredictable and do not ensure the long-term sustainability of the charity. Many parents, carers and families say that Sparkle is a lifeline they could not do without, and the charity's waiting list continues to grow rapidly. So, I would like to know, Cabinet Secretary, when will the Welsh Government deliver on the rhetoric of early intervention and truly support our charities and third sector bodies to combat poverty across south-east Wales once and for all? Thank you.
Diolch am eich ateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Roeddwn i'n gwrando'n astud. Mae ymyrraeth gynnar ac atal yn allweddol i fynd i'r afael ag achos sylfaenol tlodi. Fel y dywed strategaeth gwrth-dlodi Cyngor Dinas Casnewydd ei hun, ac rwy'n dyfynnu,
'Mae'n bwysig bod y Cyngor, cyrff cyhoeddus eraill, a sefydliadau yn gallu adnabod, a darparu'r ymyrraeth gynnar angenrheidiol i atal pobl rhag cyrraedd pwynt argyfwng a syrthio i dlodi.'
Fodd bynnag, mae'r elusen sydd wedi'i lleoli yng Nghasnewydd o'r enw Sparkle, sy'n cefnogi cannoedd o blant a phobl ifanc Gwent ag anghenion cymhleth a'u teuluoedd, gan eu hatal rhag cyrraedd pwynt argyfwng, yn cynnwys tlodi hefyd. Maent wedi bod yn wynebu sefyllfa ariannol ansicr yn ddiweddar. Mae gan Sparkle ddiffyg o £200,000 o un flwyddyn i'r llall ac mae'n dibynnu ar roddion mawr annisgwyl i'w hachub, sydd yn ôl eu natur yn anrhagweladwy ac nid ydynt yn sicrhau cynaliadwyedd hirdymor yr elusen. Mae llawer o rieni, gofalwyr a theuluoedd yn dweud bod Sparkle yn achubiaeth na allent wneud hebddi, ac mae rhestr aros yr elusen yn parhau i dyfu'n gyflym. Felly, hoffwn wybod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, pryd y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwireddu'r rhethreg ynghylch ymyrraeth gynnar ac yn mynd ati go iawn i gefnogi ein helusennau a'n cyrff trydydd sector i ymladd tlodi ar draws de-ddwyrain Cymru unwaith ac am byth? Diolch.
Thank you very much, Natasha Asghar. Also, I'd say I am also very aware of the great work done by Sparkle and, of course, the work I know Jayne Bryant and John Griffiths, as Newport representatives, have drawn attention to. I would like to look again at ways in which not only Newport council, as an authority, but also the Welsh Government can look at the needs of Sparkle as a charity and, clearly, the access to grants available locally, nationally and through trust funding. So, that our third sector colleagues and officials also will look at that I think will be the next step.
Diolch yn fawr, Natasha Asghar. Rwyf am ddweud fy mod innau hefyd yn ymwybodol iawn o'r gwaith gwych a wneir gan Sparkle a'r gwaith y mae Jayne Bryant a John Griffiths, fel cynrychiolwyr Casnewydd, wedi tynnu sylw ato. Hoffwn edrych eto ar ffyrdd y gall nid yn unig cyngor Casnewydd, fel awdurdod, ond Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd, edrych ar anghenion Sparkle fel elusen ac yn amlwg, y mynediad at grantiau sydd ar gael yn lleol, yn genedlaethol a thrwy gyllid ymddiriedolaeth. Felly, rwy'n credu mai'r cam nesaf fydd i'n cymheiriaid yn y trydydd sector a'n swyddogion edrych ar hynny.
Cabinet Secretary, one important way to tackle poverty is to help people move into work. When families have parents in work, it's transformative for those families in terms of their standard of living and prospects. In Wales, I think to address economic inactivity requires the Welsh Government's employability programmes to work very closely with the UK Government's Jobcentre Plus and, indeed, welfare policy. What would you say about that working relationship, Cabinet Secretary, in terms of how it can be strengthened to ensure that that necessary joint working really does help address and tackle economic inactivity in Wales?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, un ffordd bwysig o fynd i'r afael â thlodi yw helpu pobl i symud i mewn i waith. Pan fydd gan deuluoedd rieni mewn gwaith, mae'n drawsnewidiol i'r teuluoedd hynny o ran eu safon byw a'u rhagolygon. Yng Nghymru, rwy'n credu bod mynd i'r afael ag anweithgarwch economaidd yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i raglenni cyflogadwyedd Llywodraeth Cymru weithio'n agos iawn gyda Chanolfan Byd Gwaith Llywodraeth y DU a chyda pholisi lles yn wir. Beth y byddech chi'n ei ddweud am y berthynas waith honno, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, o ran sut y gellir ei chryfhau i sicrhau bod y cydweithio angenrheidiol hwnnw'n helpu i fynd i'r afael ag anweithgarwch economaidd yng Nghymru?
Thank you for that question, John Griffiths. This is where I think there are other announcements, not just the lifting of the two-child limit, for which I've given the very welcome information about the numbers of children who will benefit in your constituency. And can I just say that what is important, as well, in terms of those figures is the number of children who are predicted to come out of poverty—a key call from the Bevan Foundation? I know that you would welcome, as well, the UK Government's commitment to make work pay through increases in the national living wage and the national minimum wage. This is also important to encourage people back into the workforce, as you say. And what's good about the rises in the national living wage and the national minimum wage is that they're based on the independent Low Pay Commission's recommendations, looking at cost-of-living needs and also labour market stability. But we are working on the Trailblazer programme and that's very much led by Jack Sargeant, embedding learning in our own Welsh Government employability support programmes, as well.
Diolch am y cwestiwn hwnnw, John Griffiths. Dyma lle rwy'n credu bod yna gyhoeddiadau eraill, nid codi'r terfyn dau blentyn yn unig, y rhoddais wybodaeth amdanynt sydd i'w groesawu am niferoedd y plant a fydd yn elwa yn eich etholaeth. Ac a gaf i ddweud mai'r hyn sy'n bwysig hefyd, o ran y ffigurau hynny, yw nifer y plant y rhagwelir y byddant yn dod allan o dlodi—galwad allweddol gan Sefydliad Bevan? Rwy'n gwybod y byddech chi'n croesawu hefyd ymrwymiad Llywodraeth y DU i wneud i waith dalu trwy gynnydd yn y cyflog byw cenedlaethol a'r isafswm cyflog cenedlaethol. Mae hyn hefyd yn bwysig i annog pobl yn ôl i mewn i'r gweithlu, fel y dywedwch. A'r hyn sy'n dda am y codiadau i'r cyflog byw cenedlaethol a'r isafswm cyflog cenedlaethol yw eu bod yn seiliedig ar argymhellion y Comisiwn Cyflog Isel annibynnol, sy'n edrych ar anghenion costau byw yn ogystal â sefydlogrwydd y farchnad lafur. Ond rydym yn gweithio ar y rhaglen Trailblazer sy'n cael ei harwain i raddau helaeth gan Jack Sargeant, gan ymgorffori dysgu yn ein rhaglenni cymorth cyflogadwyedd Llywodraeth Cymru ein hunain.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary. There has been—. I'm a little confused, I was supposed to be after Peredur. It is about child poverty that I'll be asking, and then, as spokesperson, two questions. Is that right, Presiding Officer?
Diolch, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Cafwyd—. Rwyf ychydig yn ddryslyd, roeddwn i i fod ar ôl Peredur. Mae fy nghwestiwn yn ymwneud â thlodi plant, a dau gwestiwn, fel llefarydd wedyn. A yw hynny'n gywir, Lywydd?
I called you for a supplementary. It's okay for you to ask a supplementary at this point—
Fe wneuthum eich galw am gwestiwn atodol. Mae'n iawn i chi ofyn cwestiwn atodol ar y pwynt hwn—
So, shall I start the spokesperson questions?
Felly, a ddylwn i ddechrau cwestiynau'r llefarydd?
No, you can ask your supplementary now, if you wish, and I'll call you for three during your—
Na, gallwch ofyn eich cwestiwn atodol nawr, os dymunwch, ac fe alwaf arnoch am dri yn ystod eich—
Two.
Dau.
No, I've made the mistake at this point. I'm confusing myself rather than anybody else. Do you want to ask a supplementary, or shall I leave it until we go on to the spokespeople?
Na, fi sydd wedi camgymryd ar y pwynt hwn. Rwy'n drysu fy hun yn hytrach nag unrhyw un arall. A ydych chi eisiau gofyn cwestiwn atodol, neu a ddylwn i ei adael nes i ni fynd ymlaen at y llefarwyr?
That's right. I'll go to the child poverty first.
Mae hynny'n iawn. Fe af at y tlodi plant yn gyntaf.
In the south-east?
Yn y de-ddwyrain?
Yes.
Ie.
Yes, you carry on with that and I'll think about—[Laughter.]
Ie, parhewch gyda hynny ac fe feddyliaf i am—[Chwerthin.]
Thank you very much. Cabinet Secretary, the UK Government's child poverty strategy has committed to ensuring that children do not grow up living in bed-and-breakfast accommodation. Sadly, far too many children in South Wales East and across the whole of Wales spent Christmas living in what is supposed to be temporary accommodation. Will the Welsh Government follow the UK Government's example and ensure that no child is forced to spend more than a week or two in temporary accommodation? Thank you.
Diolch yn fawr. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae strategaeth tlodi plant Llywodraeth y DU wedi ymrwymo i sicrhau nad yw plant yn tyfu i fyny yn byw mewn llety gwely a brecwast. Yn anffodus, treuliodd llawer gormod o blant yn Nwyrain De Cymru ac ar draws Cymru gyfan y Nadolig yn byw yn yr hyn sydd i fod yn llety dros dro. A fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn dilyn esiampl Llywodraeth y DU ac yn sicrhau nad oes unrhyw blentyn yn cael ei orfodi i dreulio mwy nag wythnos neu ddwy mewn llety dros dro? Diolch.
Thank you very much indeed, Altaf Hussain. It is the UK Government child poverty strategy that we engaged with, all four nations engaged with. I think the input that we had, which did directly lead to the removal of the child limit, which your party and your previous Government introduced, and your party haven't supported, very much regrettably—. But we are absolutely key, as a Welsh Government, in making preventing homelessness a priority for children. It is very key to our child poverty strategy, as well as the UK Government's child poverty strategy. And I will just say, obviously, for my colleague Jane Bryant, preventing homelessness is a crucial priority to, for example, reduce the flow of people needing temporary accommodation. We are investing almost £220 million in homelessness prevention and housing support this year alone. I think we must look now to the new Homelessness and Social Housing Allocation (Wales) Bill in terms of transforming the response to those who are homeless in Wales, and particularly looking at this from the perspective of children and their families, and focusing on early intervention and prevention.
Diolch yn fawr, Altaf Hussain. Fe wnaethom ymgysylltu â strategaeth tlodi plant Llywodraeth y DU, fel y gwnaeth pob un o'r pedair gwlad. Rwy'n credu bod y mewnbwn a gawsom, a arweiniodd yn uniongyrchol at ddileu'r terfyn plant, a gyflwynwyd gan eich plaid chi a'ch Llywodraeth flaenorol chi, ac yn anffodus iawn nid yw eich plaid wedi cefnogi—. Ond mae'n hollol allweddol ein bod ni, fel Llywodraeth Cymru, yn gwneud atal digartrefedd yn flaenoriaeth ar gyfer plant. Mae'n allweddol iawn i'n strategaeth tlodi plant, yn ogystal â strategaeth tlodi plant Llywodraeth y DU. Ac yn amlwg, i fy nghyd-Aelod Jane Bryant, mae atal digartrefedd yn flaenoriaeth hanfodol i leihau llif y bobl sydd angen llety dros dro, er enghraifft. Eleni'n unig, rydym yn buddsoddi bron i £220 miliwn mewn atal digartrefedd a chymorth tai. Rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid inni droi nawr at y Bil Digartrefedd a Dyrannu Tai Cymdeithasol (Cymru) newydd i drawsnewid yr ymateb i'r rhai sy'n ddigartref yng Nghymru, ac edrych ar hyn o safbwynt plant a'u teuluoedd, a chanolbwyntio ar ymyrraeth gynnar ac atal.
Before I call Rhianon Passmore on a supplementary to this question, just to confirm to Altaf Hussain that you will have two questions on your spokespeople questions. I'm implementing new guidance on questions today, and I've managed to confuse myself thoroughly on that guidance. So, for clarity, it will be two questions, Altaf Hussain. Rhianon Passmore.
Cyn imi alw ar Rhianon Passmore i ofyn cwestiwn atodol i'r cwestiwn hwn, hoffwn gadarnhau i Altaf Hussain y bydd gennych ddau gwestiwn fel llefarydd. Rwy'n gweithredu canllawiau newydd ar y cwestiynau heddiw, ac rwyf wedi llwyddo i ddrysu fy hun yn llwyr ar y canllawiau hynny. Felly, er eglurder, bydd gennych ddau gwestiwn, Altaf Hussain. Rhianon Passmore.
Thank you. Diolch, Llywydd. I was both pleased and delighted to hear from the Cabinet Secretary that the very first baby bundles are set to be delivered to eligible families across Wales from February, and that, given the current weather, they will now also include clothing and warm blankets. Can the Cabinet Secretary today give any further information about how midwives will support in the delivery of this highly valuable and hugely practical initiative for our most vulnerable?
Diolch, Lywydd. Roeddwn yn falch iawn o glywed gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet y bydd y bwndeli babi cyntaf yn cael eu danfon i deuluoedd cymwys ledled Cymru o fis Chwefror ymlaen, ac o ystyried y tywydd ar hyn o bryd, byddant yn cynnwys dillad a blancedi cynnes hefyd. A all Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet roi unrhyw wybodaeth bellach heddiw ynglŷn â sut y bydd bydwragedd yn cefnogi'r gwaith o gyflawni'r fenter werthfawr ac ymarferol hon i'n rhai mwyaf agored i niwed?
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (David Rees) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (David Rees) took the Chair.
Thank you very much, Rhianon Passmore. I'm delighted that we can, and I hope all Members across the Chamber will be—. We're ensuring that there is a real awareness now of this new initiative, which is directly going to tackle child poverty, because we're offering now a baby bundle to many families across Wales. A baby bundle will include items such as a warm blanket and clothing, helpful information on where to turn for further support, and also midwives now are supporting eligible families to complete registrations. That started on 25 November, at 25 to 28-week antenatal appointments.
I think the Minister for Children and Social Care will also say more about this at the beginning of February, to mark the delivery of the first baby bundle. I also wanted to say, in terms of South Wales East, I'm sure Members will be pleased to hear that Elite Clothing Solutions, based in Ebbw Vale, have manufactured the bibs, the hats, the hooded towels, the reusable breast pads. Merthyr Tydfil Institute for the Blind are responsible for the assembly and fulfilment of the bundles, and Case-UK are the chosen call centre partners. So, I do hope there will be increased interest as a result of the questions today about the benefits and the contribution of our new baby bundle scheme here in Wales.
Diolch yn fawr, Rhianon Passmore. Rwy'n falch iawn y gallwn, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd pob Aelod ar draws y Siambr yn—. Rydym yn sicrhau bod ymwybyddiaeth go iawn o'r fenter newydd hon, a fydd yn mynd i'r afael â thlodi plant yn uniongyrchol, gan ein bod yn cynnig bwndel babi i lawer o deuluoedd ledled Cymru. Bydd bwndel babi'n cynnwys eitemau fel blanced a dillad cynnes, gwybodaeth ddefnyddiol am ble i droi am gymorth pellach, ac mae bydwragedd bellach yn cefnogi teuluoedd cymwys i gwblhau'r broses gofrestru. Dechreuodd hynny ar 25 Tachwedd, mewn apwyntiadau cynenedigol 25 i 28 wythnos.
Rwy'n credu y bydd y Gweinidog Plant a Gofal Cymdeithasol yn dweud mwy am hyn ddechrau mis Chwefror, pan fydd y bwndel babi cyntaf yn cael ei ddarparu. Roeddwn hefyd eisiau dweud, o ran Dwyrain De Cymru, rwy'n siŵr y bydd yr Aelodau'n falch o glywed mai cwmni Elite Clothing Solutions, sydd wedi'i leoli yng Nglynebwy, sydd wedi cynhyrchu'r bibiau, yr hetiau, y tywelion cwflog, y padiau bron amldro. Sefydliad Pobl Ddall Merthyr Tudful sy'n gyfrifol am gydosod a darparu'r bwndeli, a Case-UK yw'r partneriaid a ddewiswyd i weithredu'r ganolfan alwadau. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd mwy o ddiddordeb o ganlyniad i'r cwestiynau heddiw am fanteision a chyfraniad ein cynllun bwndeli babi newydd yma yng Nghymru.
Cwestiynau nawr gan lefarwyr y pleidiau. Yn gyntaf, llefarydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, Altaf Hussain.
Questions now from the party spokespeople. First of all, the Welsh Conservatives spokesperson, Altaf Hussain.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. Cabinet Secretary, last month, INQUEST, the charity that investigates state-related deaths, released their report into self-harm and suicides among the female prisoner population. Alarmingly, over a third of deaths in prison have been due to suicide, and incidents of self-harm among female prisoners have reached the highest level on record. INQUEST highlighted a number of cases where warning signs were ignored, including one instance where multiple suicide notes were disregarded. Sadly, the notes' author succeeded in taking her life. Whilst criminal justice is not devolved, the Welsh Government has a duty to protect the health and well-being of Welsh prisoners. What steps are your Government taking to protect these vulnerable female prisoners?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, y mis diwethaf, cyhoeddodd INQUEST, yr elusen sy'n ymchwilio i farwolaethau sy'n gysylltiedig â'r wladwriaeth, eu hadroddiad ar hunan-niweidio a hunanladdiad ymhlith carcharorion benywaidd. Yn frawychus, mae dros draean o farwolaethau yn y carchar yn deillio o hunanladdiad, ac mae achosion o hunan-niweidio ymhlith carcharorion benywaidd wedi cyrraedd y lefel uchaf erioed. Tynnodd INQUEST sylw at nifer o achosion lle anwybyddwyd arwyddion rhybudd, gan gynnwys un achos lle anwybyddwyd nifer o lythyrau hunanladdiad. Yn anffodus, llwyddodd y sawl a ysgrifennodd y llythyrau i ladd ei hun. Er nad yw cyfiawnder troseddol wedi'i ddatganoli, mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddyletswydd i ddiogelu iechyd a lles carcharorion Cymru. Pa gamau y mae eich Llywodraeth yn eu cymryd i ddiogelu'r carcharorion benywaidd agored i niwed hyn?
Thank you very much for that very sobering and important question to me this afternoon. As you say, whilst justice is currently a reserved matter, many of the services that are essential to operate both adult and youth justice, the secure estate and the probation service are devolved to us. Thank you for drawing attention to that report, which I will take forward in terms of discussions with His Majesty's Prison and Probation Service officials. I will also take the opportunity to raise this with Lord James Timpson; I have a meeting with him in the coming weeks. So, I’m particularly concerned, in my meeting with him, to raise the issue of women and justice. He chairs the women's justice board, and I hope that will be meeting imminently, and that I will get an update on progress with the residential women’s centre.
We know that so many women who are in prison are there because of circumstances in their lives—domestic abuse, poverty—and that he himself has said that those women, many of those women, should not be in prison and have been caught up in the criminal justice system. That’s certainly my view when I have visited prisons—HM Parc particularly—and I know the committee, the Equality and Social Justice Committee, has done good work on this.
Diolch yn fawr iawn am eich cwestiwn sobreiddiol a phwysig i mi y prynhawn yma. Fel y dywedwch, er bod cyfiawnder yn fater a gedwir yn ôl ar hyn o bryd, mae llawer o'r gwasanaethau sy'n hanfodol i weithredu cyfiawnder oedolion ac ieuenctid, yr ystad ddiogel a'r gwasanaeth prawf wedi'u datganoli i ni. Diolch am dynnu sylw at yr adroddiad hwnnw, y byddaf yn ei drafod gyda swyddogion Gwasanaeth Carchardai a Phrawf Ei Fawrhydi. Byddaf hefyd yn achub ar y cyfle i godi hyn gyda'r Arglwydd James Timpson; mae gennyf gyfarfod ag ef yn yr wythnosau nesaf. Felly, rwy'n arbennig o awyddus, yn fy nghyfarfod ag ef, i godi mater menywod a chyfiawnder. Ef sy'n cadeirio'r bwrdd cyfiawnder menywod, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd hwnnw'n cyfarfod cyn bo hir, ac y caf yr wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am gynnydd y ganolfan breswyl i fenywod.
Gwyddom fod cymaint o fenywod sydd yn y carchar yno oherwydd amgylchiadau yn eu bywydau—cam-drin domestig, tlodi—a'i fod ef ei hun wedi dweud na ddylai'r menywod hynny, llawer o'r menywod hynny, fod yn y carchar a'u bod wedi cael eu dal yn y system cyfiawnder troseddol. Yn sicr, dyna fy marn innau pan wyf wedi ymweld â charchardai—Carchar EF y Parc yn arbennig—a gwn fod y pwyllgor, y Pwyllgor Cydraddoldeb a Chyfiawnder Cymdeithasol, wedi gwneud gwaith da ar hyn.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary. The Ministry of Justice called these deaths a tragic example of how the prison system is not working for most women. It certainly is not working for Welsh women forced to serve these sentences outside Wales, often hundreds of miles away from home. This is despite your Government's trauma-informed approach, favouring community-based alternatives to shorten prison sentences. It is also nearly two decades after the Corston report recommended replacing women's prisons with small secure units. Therefore, Cabinet Secretary, can we have an update on the residential women's centre in Swansea? Are we likely to see this 12-bed centre during 2026?
Diolch, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Galwodd y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder y marwolaethau hyn yn enghraifft drasig o sut nad yw'r system garchardai yn gweithio i'r rhan fwyaf o fenywod. Yn sicr, nid yw'n gweithio i fenywod Cymru sy'n cael eu gorfodi i fwrw'r dedfrydau hyn y tu allan i Gymru, gannoedd o filltiroedd i ffwrdd o gartref yn aml. Mae hyn er gwaethaf dull ystyriol o drawma o weithredu eich Llywodraeth sy'n ffafrio dewisiadau amgen cymunedol yn lle dedfrydau carchar byrrach. Mae bron i ddau ddegawd hefyd ers i adroddiad Corston argymell unedau diogel bach yn lle carchardai menywod. Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a gawn ni'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y ganolfan breswyl i fenywod yn Abertawe? A ydym yn debygol o weld y ganolfan 12 gwely hon yn 2026?
Thank you for that. I think I did respond to that earlier on when I made my contribution in terms of the forthcoming meeting I'm having with Lord Timpson. But also, I met before Christmas with Dr Rob Jones, who produced a really important fact file, particularly looking at the imprisonment of women in Wales. We are going to have a round-table with Dr Rob Jones, and those who are involved in the criminal justice system in Wales, particularly from a social justice perspective. This is about social justice and our vision for justice, which we are seeking, as you know, to devolve, is for a preventative trauma-informed approach.
We do work to realise this vision through pursuing the case for the devolution of policing and justice. And we want to also see the good work, which we will discuss when we have this round-table, that is taking place to keep women out of prison, to enable women to access day centres as well, which we have in Wales, as well as pursuing the case and the progress of the residential women's centre.
Diolch. Credaf imi ymateb i hynny'n gynharach yn fy nghyfraniad ar y cyfarfod y byddaf yn ei gael gyda'r Arglwydd Timpson. Ond hefyd, cyfarfûm cyn y Nadolig â Dr Rob Jones, a gynhyrchodd ffeil ffeithiau bwysig iawn, a oedd yn edrych yn benodol ar garcharu menywod yng Nghymru. Byddwn yn cael cyfarfod bord gron gyda Dr Rob Jones, a'r rhai sy'n ymwneud â'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yng Nghymru, yn benodol o safbwynt cyfiawnder cymdeithasol. Mae a wnelo hyn â chyfiawnder cymdeithasol, a'n gweledigaeth ar gyfer cyfiawnder, sy'n rhywbeth rydym yn ceisio ei ddatganoli fel y gwyddoch, yw dull ataliol sy'n ystyriol o drawma.
Rydym yn gweithio i wireddu'r weledigaeth hon drwy fynd ar drywydd yr achos dros ddatganoli plismona a chyfiawnder. Ac rydym hefyd eisiau gweld y gwaith da, y byddwn yn ei drafod pan gawn y cyfarfod bord gron, sydd â'r nod o gadw menywod allan o garchar, er mwyn galluogi menywod i gael mynediad at ganolfannau dydd hefyd, fel sydd gennym yng Nghymru, yn ogystal â mynd ar drywydd achos a chynnydd y ganolfan breswyl i fenywod.
Llefarydd Plaid Cymru, Sioned Williams.
Plaid Cymru spokesperson, Sioned Williams.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Cabinet Secretary, I’d like to ask you about the concerning report published by the Equality and Human Rights Commission shortly before Christmas. The report concludes that, under this Welsh Government, human rights are at risk, and that Wales is falling short of several of its international human rights commitments.
One of the clearest areas of failure identified is in relation to the rights of disabled people. Those findings are echoed by disabled people themselves across recent surveys undertaken by Disability Wales. Disabled people in Wales have consistently raised deep concerns about the lack of enforcement of their rights. The EHRC also highlights the urgent need for the Welsh Government to improve disabled people’s access to health services. Now, while, of course, I welcome the publication of the disabled people’s rights plan, concerns remain, in particular around the lack of clear, measurable targets, and additional resources to support its aims. We also cannot ignore, of course, the impact of the continued failure to implement the UNCRPD, despite the Government’s commitment to do so.
So, Cabinet Secretary, in light of the EHRC’s findings, and the message from disabled people themselves, can you set out how you’re going to respond to this report? Diolch.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, hoffwn ofyn i chi am yr adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd gan y Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol ychydig cyn y Nadolig ac sydd wedi peri cryn dipyn o ofid. Mae'r adroddiad yn dod i'r casgliad fod hawliau dynol mewn perygl o dan y Llywodraeth hon yng Nghymru, a bod Cymru'n methu cyflawni sawl un o'i hymrwymiadau hawliau dynol rhyngwladol.
Mae un o'r methiannau cliriaf a nodwyd yn ymwneud â hawliau pobl anabl. Mae'r canfyddiadau hynny'n cael eu hadleisio gan bobl anabl eu hunain ar draws arolygon diweddar a gynhaliwyd gan Anabledd Cymru. Mae pobl anabl yng Nghymru wedi codi pryderon dwfn yn gyson ynghylch diffyg gorfodaeth mewn perthynas â'u hawliau. Mae'r Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol hefyd yn tynnu sylw at yr angen brys i Lywodraeth Cymru wella mynediad pobl anabl at wasanaethau iechyd. Nawr, er fy mod yn croesawu cyhoeddi'r cynllun hawliau pobl anabl wrth gwrs, mae pryderon yn parhau, yn enwedig ynghylch diffyg targedau clir, mesuradwy ac adnoddau ychwanegol i gefnogi ei nodau. Ni allwn anwybyddu effaith y methiant parhaus i weithredu Confensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau Pobl ag Anableddau chwaith, er gwaethaf ymrwymiad y Llywodraeth i wneud hynny.
Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yng ngoleuni canfyddiadau'r Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol, a'r neges gan bobl anabl eu hunain, a allwch chi nodi sut rydych chi'n mynd i ymateb i'r adroddiad hwn? Diolch.
Diolch, Sioned Williams. I’m really pleased that you did refer to the disabled people’s rights plan, which we launched on 15 December. And that was launched in collaboration with disabled people who helped bring that plan together—members of the disability equality forum and the disability rights taskforce. And you know the history of this, that this was established in direct response to the 'Locked out' report, reflecting our commitment to working with disabled people to challenge inequalities. And I think the recommendations that have come out now informed our disabled people's rights plan, which includes a whole range of issues, including health and social care. The plan is all underpinned by the United Nations convention on the rights of disabled people—the right to independent living, social protection, and also a proper standard of living without discrimination. It is a cross-Government plan, it's a 10-year ambition. I know when we all met with Disability Wales, it is part of their manifesto to all political parties that they will commit themselves to implementing the disabled people's rights plan, and I hope that will be the case for the next Government so that disabled people can thrive in Welsh society.
I also think that it was very valuable for us all to attend, cross-party, the launch of 'Access to Politics: Charter for Political Parties' yesterday, because what we need to do is ensure that disabled people are actively engaged in our Senedd and in politics. That is up to all of us across this Chamber.
Diolch, Sioned Williams. Rwy'n falch iawn eich bod wedi cyfeirio at y cynllun hawliau pobl anabl, a lansiwyd gennym ar 15 Rhagfyr. A lansiwyd hwnnw mewn cydweithrediad â phobl anabl a helpodd i ddod â'r cynllun hwnnw at ei gilydd—aelodau o'r fforwm cydraddoldeb i bobl anabl a'r tasglu hawliau pobl anabl. Ac rydych chi'n ymwybodol o hanes hyn, ei fod wedi'i sefydlu mewn ymateb uniongyrchol i adroddiad 'Drws ar Glo', gan adlewyrchu ein hymrwymiad i weithio gyda phobl anabl i herio anghydraddoldebau. A chredaf fod yr argymhellion a wnaed wedi llywio ein cynllun hawliau pobl anabl, sy'n cynnwys ystod eang o faterion, gan gynnwys iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Mae'r cynllun cyfan wedi'i ategu gan gonfensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar hawliau pobl ag anableddau—yr hawl i fyw'n annibynnol, diogelwch cymdeithasol, a safon byw addas heb wahaniaethu. Mae'n gynllun trawslywodraethol, mae'n uchelgais 10 mlynedd. Pan gyfarfuom ag Anabledd Cymru, rwy'n gwybod mai rhan o'u maniffesto i bob plaid wleidyddol yw y byddant yn ymrwymo i weithredu'r cynllun hawliau pobl anabl, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd hynny'n wir i'r Llywodraeth nesaf fel y gall pobl anabl ffynnu yn y gymdeithas Gymreig.
Rwy'n credu hefyd iddi fod yn werthfawr iawn fod pob un ohonom wedi mynychu, ar draws y pleidiau, lansiad 'Mynediad at Wleidyddiaeth: Siarter ar gyfer Pleidiau Gwleidyddol' ddoe, gan mai'r hyn sydd angen inni ei wneud yw sicrhau bod pobl anabl yn cymryd rhan weithredol yn ein Senedd ac mewn gwleidyddiaeth. Mae hynny'n gyfrifoldeb i bob un ohonom ar draws y Siambr hon.
Diolch. Engagement with policy making is key, isn't it? And last year, of course, was a desperately worrying year for disabled people, with the UK Government targeting them for cuts to support that they rely upon. The ongoing Timms review into welfare continues to cause widespread anxiety, with any future proposals likely to disproportionately impact disabled people here. While Welsh disabled people's organisations are now, at long last, being consulted, there are still serious concerns about the quality of that engagement and the exclusion of disabled people, particularly in north Wales, from meaningful involvement.
When I last raised these issues, Cabinet Secretary, you said that you would be closely monitoring this review to ensure that any changes are fair and just and shaped by disabled people themselves. So, in light of the ongoing concerns raised by disabled people's organisations, can you set out how you're going to ensure that the Labour UK Government are meaningfully involving disabled people across all parts of Wales in their decision making? How often are you meeting with the Minister and his officials? And what action will you take to ensure that the outcome of the review is not to the detriment of disabled people in Wales?
Diolch. Mae ymgysylltu â'r gwaith o lunio polisïau yn allweddol, onid yw? Ac roedd y llynedd, wrth gwrs, yn flwyddyn ddigalon iawn i bobl anabl, gyda Llywodraeth y DU yn eu targedu ar gyfer toriadau i'r cymorth y maent yn dibynnu arno. Mae adolygiad Timms o les sydd ar y gweill yn parhau i achosi pryder eang, gydag unrhyw gynigion yn y dyfodol yn debygol o effeithio'n anghymesur ar bobl anabl yma. Er bod ymgynghori'n digwydd o'r diwedd â sefydliadau pobl anabl Cymru, ceir pryderon difrifol o hyd ynghylch ansawdd yr ymgysylltiad ac allgáu pobl anabl, yn enwedig yn y gogledd, rhag cymryd rhan ystyrlon.
Pan godais y materion hyn ddiwethaf, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, fe ddywedoch chi y byddech chi'n monitro'r adolygiad hwn yn agos i sicrhau bod unrhyw newidiadau'n deg ac yn gyfiawn ac yn cael eu llunio gan bobl anabl eu hunain. Felly, yng ngoleuni'r pryderon parhaus a godwyd gan sefydliadau pobl anabl, a wnewch chi nodi sut rydych chi'n mynd i sicrhau bod Llywodraeth Lafur y DU yn cynnwys pobl anabl yn ystyrlon ar draws pob rhan o Gymru wrth wneud penderfyniadau? Pa mor aml rydych chi'n cyfarfod â'r Gweinidog a'i swyddogion? A pha gamau y byddwch chi'n eu cymryd i sicrhau nad yw canlyniad yr adolygiad yn niweidiol i bobl anabl yng Nghymru?
Well, I'm grateful for that question, because it gives me the opportunity, again, to reassure you and Members across the Chamber that I'm closely involved in monitoring the developments in and the progress with the review of the personal independent payment. I am involved with the Minister directly—Sir Stephen Timms. I'm very glad that he took the opportunity to not only meet with me in the summer—last summer 2025, when this was launched—but also to meet with Disability Wales, to meet with the disability equality forum, which he met with me, and also to open up his review team to applications from disabled people in Wales.
Now, what has been made very clear through these meetings is that we want Welsh people represented on that review team. He has said to us that the UK Government and his officials have learnt from Wales about the way that we've approached co-production, the social model of disability, which is something where we feel that disabled people have had a huge influence on the way forward. And I will be monitoring it very carefully, and I am glad for the scrutiny as well today.
Wel, rwy'n ddiolchgar am eich cwestiwn, gan ei fod yn rhoi cyfle i mi roi sicrwydd unwaith eto i chi ac i'r Aelodau ar draws y Siambr fy mod yn ymwneud yn agos â'r gwaith o fonitro'r datblygiadau a'r cynnydd gyda'r adolygiad o daliadau annibyniaeth personol. Rwy'n ymwneud yn uniongyrchol â'r Gweinidog—Syr Stephen Timms. Rwy'n falch iawn ei fod wedi achub ar y cyfle nid yn unig i gyfarfod â mi yn yr haf—yr haf diwethaf, 2025, pan lansiwyd hyn—ond hefyd i gyfarfod ag Anabledd Cymru, i gyfarfod â'r fforwm cydraddoldeb i bobl anabl, y cyfarfu â nhw gyda mi, a hefyd i agor ei dîm adolygu i geisiadau gan bobl anabl yng Nghymru.
Nawr, yr hyn a ddywedwyd yn glir iawn drwy'r cyfarfodydd hyn yw ein bod am i bobl Cymru gael eu cynrychioli yn y tîm adolygu hwnnw. Mae wedi dweud wrthym fod Llywodraeth y DU a'i swyddogion wedi dysgu gan Gymru am y ffordd yr aethom ati i gydgynhyrchu'r model cymdeithasol o anabledd, sy'n rhywbeth lle teimlwn fod pobl anabl wedi cael dylanwad enfawr ar y ffordd ymlaen. A byddaf yn ei fonitro'n ofalus iawn, ac rwy'n falch o'r craffu heddiw hefyd.
Diolch. We are now, of course, in the depths of winter and have just experienced a snap of very cold weather, which will have exacerbated the effect of fuel poverty, which we know disproportionately impacts disabled people. For disabled people, the consequences of struggling to heat their homes can be very severe. Many disabilities require people to keep warm in order to manage pain, mobility and overall health. When heating becomes unaffordable, health can deteriorate rapidly, quality of life is reduced and, in some serious cases, it can, of course, be life-threatening.
The Welsh Government's tackling fuel poverty plan was published in 2021. And you published an update on the plan's progress in June, under new actions, listing the need to introduce energy efficiency-based interim targets, stating that the revised fuel poverty estimates, which of course were published in October, would be used to develop these targets. There is growing concern that these targets may not be introduced before the end of the Senedd term. So, Cabinet Secretary, can you give a clear answer on whether it remains your Government's intention to introduce interim fuel poverty targets within this Senedd term? Diolch.
Diolch. Rydym bellach, wrth gwrs, yng nghanol y gaeaf a newydd brofi cyfnod o dywydd oer iawn, a fydd wedi gwaethygu effaith tlodi tanwydd, y gwyddom ei fod yn effeithio'n anghymesur ar bobl anabl. I bobl anabl, gall canlyniadau methu cynhesu eu cartrefi fod yn ddifrifol iawn. Mae nifer o anableddau'n ei gwneud yn ofynnol i bobl gadw'n gynnes er mwyn rheoli poen, symudedd ac iechyd cyffredinol. Pan fydd gwresogi'n anfforddiadwy, gall iechyd ddirywio'n gyflym, mae ansawdd bywyd yn lleihau, ac mewn rhai achosion difrifol wrth gwrs, gall roi bywyd yn y fantol.
Cyhoeddwyd cynllun trechu tlodi tanwydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn 2021. Ac fe gyhoeddoch chi ddiweddariad ar gynnydd y cynllun ym mis Mehefin, o dan gamau gweithredu newydd, gan restru'r angen i gyflwyno targedau dros dro yn seiliedig ar effeithlonrwydd ynni, gan ddatgan y byddai'r amcangyfrifon tlodi tanwydd diwygiedig, a gyhoeddwyd ym mis Hydref, yn cael eu defnyddio i ddatblygu'r targedau hyn. Ceir pryder cynyddol na fydd y targedau hyn yn cael eu cyflwyno cyn diwedd tymor y Senedd hon. Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a allwch chi roi ateb clir i ni p'un a yw'n dal i fod yn fwriad gan eich Llywodraeth i gyflwyno targedau tlodi tanwydd dros dro yn nhymor y Senedd hon? Diolch.
That is also a really important question, following up your focus on disabled people in these winter months and tackling fuel poverty. Of course, we have made tackling fuel poverty an absolute priority, investing in targeted programmes, and I do want to take the opportunity of again publicising the fact that we identified the scope for a targeted one-off cash payment to be made to a number of low-income disabled households. That's going to provide support to that particular cohort, for people in the council tax disabled band reduction scheme who also claim council tax reduction. That's a £100 cost-of-living payment. It's a Welsh Government payment, and this just shows how Wales can act directly to meet these needs. But, of course, we are now discussing, particularly with our fuel poverty advisory group, the issues of responding to the very worrying figures and estimates that have come out in terms of households, 25 per cent of households, being in fuel poverty, in terms of estimates back in October 2024, and I look forward to saying more about that as we work through those consultations.
Mae hwnnw hefyd yn gwestiwn pwysig iawn, yn dilyn eich ffocws ar bobl anabl yn ystod misoedd y gaeaf a threchu tlodi tanwydd. Wrth gwrs, rydym wedi gwneud trechu tlodi tanwydd yn flaenoriaeth absoliwt, gan fuddsoddi mewn rhaglenni wedi'u targedu, a hoffwn achub ar y cyfle i roi hysbysrwydd unwaith eto i'r ffaith ein bod wedi nodi'r cwmpas ar gyfer taliad arian parod untro wedi'i dargedu i nifer o aelwydydd anabl incwm isel. Bydd hynny'n darparu cymorth i'r garfan benodol honno, i bobl yn y cynllun gostyngiad band anabl ar gyfer y dreth gyngor sydd hefyd yn hawlio gostyngiad y dreth gyngor. Mae hwnnw'n daliad costau byw o £100. Mae'n daliad gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ac mae'n dangos sut y gall Cymru weithredu'n uniongyrchol i ddiwallu'r anghenion hyn. Ond wrth gwrs, rydym yn trafod nawr, yn enwedig gyda'n grŵp cynghori ar dlodi tanwydd, yr ymateb i'r ffigurau a'r amcangyfrifon digalon iawn a gyhoeddwyd o ran aelwydydd, y ffaith fod 25 y cant o aelwydydd mewn tlodi tanwydd, yn ôl amcangyfrifon ym mis Hydref 2024, ac edrychaf ymlaen at ddweud mwy am hynny wrth inni weithio drwy'r ymgynghoriadau hynny.
3. A wnaiff yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet ddatganiad ar gyfraddau tlodi tanwydd yng Nghymru? OQ63655
3. Will the Cabinet Secretary make a statement on the rates of fuel poverty in Wales? OQ63655
Thank you very much, Peter. My oral statement of 7 October on keeping people warm this winter outlined our multipronged approach to help householders stay warm. Official figures released in August estimate that 25 per cent of households in Wales were living in fuel poverty, and we are committed to supporting those households affected by the global energy crisis.
Diolch yn fawr, Peter. Yn fy natganiad llafar ar 7 Hydref ar gadw pobl yn gynnes y gaeaf hwn, amlinellwyd ein dull amlweddog o helpu deiliaid tai i gadw'n gynnes. Mae ffigurau swyddogol a ryddhawyd ym mis Awst yn amcangyfrif bod 25 y cant o gartrefi yng Nghymru yn byw mewn tlodi tanwydd, ac rydym wedi ymrwymo i gefnogi'r cartrefi hynny yr effeithiwyd arnynt gan yr argyfwng ynni byd-eang.
Thank you for the response, Cabinet Secretary. The sad fact is that an estimated quarter of people in Wales are living in fuel poverty, affecting not only people's financial state, but also their health, as prolonged exposure to the cold can have incredibly detrimental impacts. It is therefore extremely concerning that the Welsh Government has failed to update its tackling fuel poverty plan for almost three years. The fact is that official estimates on the number of households living in fuel poverty were last calculated in 2021, I believe, and are now several years out of date. If the Welsh Government does not collect data efficiently, then we are not going to be able to get to the bottom of the crisis and begin to effectively tackle it. It is obviously far too late to call for the introduction of a new plan, with only months left of this Government, so will the Cabinet Secretary outline why the Welsh Government has failed to effectively act to tackle this important issue?
Diolch am eich ymateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Y gwir trist amdani yw bod oddeutu chwarter pobl Cymru yn byw mewn tlodi tanwydd, gan effeithio nid yn unig ar sefyllfa ariannol pobl, ond hefyd ar eu hiechyd, gan y gall bod yn oer am gyfnodau hir gael effeithiau niweidiol iawn. Felly, mae'n destun cryn bryder nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi diweddaru ei chynllun trechu tlodi tanwydd ers bron i dair blynedd. Y gwir amdani yw bod amcangyfrifon swyddogol ar nifer yr aelwydydd sy'n byw mewn tlodi tanwydd wedi'u cyfrifo ddiwethaf yn 2021, rwy'n credu, ac maent sawl blwyddyn allan ohoni erbyn hyn. Os nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru’n casglu data'n effeithlon, ni fyddwn yn gallu mynd at wraidd yr argyfwng a dechrau mynd i'r afael ag ef yn effeithiol. Mae'n amlwg yn llawer rhy hwyr i alw am gyflwyno cynllun newydd, gyda dim ond misoedd o'r Llywodraeth hon ar ôl, felly a wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet amlinellu pam y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi methu gweithredu'n effeithiol i fynd i'r afael â'r mater pwysig hwn?
Thank you, Peter, for that follow-up question. You are aware, of course, that many of the root causes of fuel poverty are out of the Welsh Government's control, but I did, as I referred to my oral statement back in October, outline the cross-Government approach we're taking to help householders stay warm. I've just also again reported on this Welsh Government payment that we are making this winter, the £100 cost-of-living payment in relation to disabled people. We did announce a revised tackling fuel poverty plan in June. It included priority actions for the next two years. Now we're reviewing the plan, as I said in response to the earlier question. We're reviewing the plan following the release of the latest fuel poverty estimates, and the actions contained in the plan are all the more important in the context of the latest estimates.
Diolch am eich cwestiwn dilynol, Peter. Rydych chi'n ymwybodol, wrth gwrs, fod llawer o achosion sylfaenol tlodi tanwydd allan o reolaeth Llywodraeth Cymru, ond fe amlinellais, fel y nodais yn fy natganiad llafar yn ôl ym mis Hydref, y dull trawslywodraethol rydym yn ei ddefnyddio i helpu deiliaid tai i gadw'n gynnes. Rwyf newydd adrodd eto ar y taliad gan Lywodraeth Cymru y gaeaf hwn, y taliad costau byw o £100 mewn perthynas â phobl anabl. Fe wnaethom gyhoeddi cynllun trechu tlodi tanwydd diwygiedig ym mis Mehefin. Roedd yn cynnwys camau gweithredu blaenoriaethol ar gyfer y ddwy flynedd nesaf. Nawr, rydym yn adolygu'r cynllun, fel y dywedais mewn ymateb i'r cwestiwn cynharach. Rydym yn adolygu'r cynllun yn dilyn cyhoeddi'r amcangyfrifon tlodi tanwydd diweddaraf, ac mae'r camau gweithredu sydd wedi'u cynnwys yn y cynllun yn bwysicach fyth yng nghyd-destun yr amcangyfrifon diweddaraf.
4. Pa gefnogaeth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei darparu drwy'r cynllun hawliau pobl anabl? OQ63648
4. What support is the Welsh Government providing through the disabled people's rights plan? OQ63648
Thank you, Carolyn Thomas. Our 10-year disabled people's rights plan sets out practical actions and long-term goals to tackle barriers across employment, transport, education, healthcare, housing, digital access and public services. We're making a £100 cost-of-living payment for people in the council tax disabled band reduction scheme who also claim council tax reduction.
Diolch, Carolyn Thomas. Mae ein cynllun hawliau pobl anabl 10 mlynedd yn nodi camau ymarferol a nodau hirdymor i fynd i'r afael â rhwystrau ar draws cyflogaeth, trafnidiaeth, addysg, gofal iechyd, tai, mynediad digidol a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Rydym yn gwneud taliad costau byw o £100 i bobl yn y cynllun gostyngiad band anabl ar gyfer y dreth gyngor sydd hefyd yn hawlio gostyngiad y dreth gyngor.
Thank you for the answer, Cabinet Secretary, and for your commitment to ensuring that disabled people in Wales are able to access the support that they need and are entitled to. I know the Welsh Government has just launched a new initiative to proactively identify people in Wales who are missing out on £2 billion-worth of unclaimed benefits. Please could you outline how this campaign will directly benefit disabled people in Wales?
Diolch am eich ateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ac am eich ymrwymiad i sicrhau bod pobl anabl yng Nghymru yn gallu cael mynediad at y cymorth sydd ei angen arnynt ac y mae ganddynt hawl iddo. Gwn fod Llywodraeth Cymru newydd lansio menter newydd i fynd ati'n rhagweithiol i nodi pobl yng Nghymru sy'n colli gwerth £2 biliwn o fudd-daliadau heb eu hawlio. A wnewch chi nodi sut y bydd yr ymgyrch hon o fudd uniongyrchol i bobl anabl yng Nghymru?
Thank you, Carolyn Thomas. We're delivering this winter our sixth 'Claim what's yours' national benefit take-up campaign. Accessible and creative messages are being delivered through all major channels—I hope you will have seen them—including tv, radio and social media. Please encourage people to respond, because they focus on all of the benefits that are available, particularly, in terms of your first question, to disabled people and their carers. People can contact our Advicelink Cymru service. It is not just a one-off burst of activity during the winter months; this is an ongoing activity. But we are focusing particularly on those people who need this most.
Just to give you some feedback, between 2020 and 2025, almost half of the people accessing services identified as a disabled person or a person with a long-term health condition. But all our income maximisation work is about putting money into people's pockets, money that they're entitled to, money that will also benefit the local community and economy, helping families pay household bills, avoid debt and improve their financial well-being.
Diolch, Carolyn Thomas. Rydym yn cyflwyno ein chweched ymgyrch genedlaethol 'Hawliwch yr Hyn sy’n Ddyledus i Chi' y gaeaf hwn i annog pobl i hawlio budd-daliadau. Mae negeseuon hygyrch a chreadigol yn cael eu cyflwyno drwy bob prif sianel—rwy'n gobeithio eich bod wedi'u gweld—gan gynnwys y teledu, y radio a'r cyfryngau cymdeithasol. Anogwch bobl i ymateb, gan eu bod yn canolbwyntio ar yr holl fudd-daliadau sydd ar gael, yn enwedig, o ran eich cwestiwn cyntaf, i bobl anabl a'u gofalwyr. Gall pobl gysylltu â'n gwasanaeth Advicelink Cymru. Nid pwl untro o weithgarwch yn ystod misoedd y gaeaf yn unig yw hwn; mae'n weithgaredd parhaus. Ond rydym yn canolbwyntio'n arbennig ar y bobl sydd fwyaf o'i angen.
I roi rhywfaint o adborth i chi, rhwng 2020 a 2025, nododd bron i hanner y bobl a oedd yn defnyddio gwasanaethau eu bod yn unigolyn anabl neu'n unigolyn â chyflwr iechyd hirdymor. Ond mae ein holl waith ar weithredu pwyslais ar incwm yn ymwneud â rhoi arian ym mhocedi pobl, arian y mae ganddynt hawl iddo, arian a fydd hefyd o fudd i'r gymuned a'r economi leol, gan helpu teuluoedd i dalu biliau'r cartref, osgoi dyled a gwella eu llesiant ariannol.
Although, when you published the final 'Disabled people's rights plan 2025 to 2035' on 15 December, you stated that to secure meaningful progress for disabled people it is crucial that
'we and future administrations are held to account for delivering clear, measurable actions and outcomes that improve equality for disabled people in Wales',
and the plan itself states that it sets out its intention to deliver real, measurable change across a range of policy areas that affect the everyday lives of disabled people in Wales, the detail on this is still missing. How, therefore, does the published plan address the preceding statements by the Equality and Human Rights Commission that the draft plan lacked clear, measurable outcomes, time-bound actions and accountability mechanisms, and by disabled people's organisations represented on your disability rights taskforce that, without funding and clear, robust targets to implement the plan, it is very difficult to see how the plan will make a difference to disabled people in Wales?
Er ichi ddweud, pan gyhoeddoch chi'r 'Cynllun hawliau pobl anabl 2025 i 2035' terfynol ar 15 Rhagfyr, ei bod yn hanfodol, er mwyn sicrhau cynnydd ystyrlon i bobl anabl,
'ein bod ni a gweinyddiaethau'r dyfodol yn cael ein dal i gyfrif am gyflawni camau gweithredu a chanlyniadau clir a mesuradwy sy'n gwella cydraddoldeb i bobl anabl yng Nghymru',
a bod y cynllun ei hun yn nodi ei fod yn datgan bwriad i gyflawni newid gwirioneddol, mesuradwy ar draws ystod o feysydd polisi sy'n effeithio ar fywydau bob dydd pobl anabl yng Nghymru, mae'r manylion am hyn yn dal ar goll. Sut, felly, y mae'r cynllun a gyhoeddwyd yn mynd i'r afael â'r datganiadau blaenorol gan y Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol fod y cynllun drafft yn brin o ganlyniadau clir, mesuradwy, camau gweithredu o fewn amser penodol a mecanweithiau atebolrwydd, a chan sefydliadau pobl anabl a gynrychiolir yn eich tasglu hawliau pobl anabl, ei bod yn anodd iawn gweld, heb gyllid a thargedau clir, cadarn i weithredu'r cynllun, sut y bydd y cynllun yn gwneud gwahaniaeth i bobl anabl yng Nghymru?
Well, thank you very much, Mark Isherwood, and thank you for chairing the cross-party group on disabled people, which I regularly attend. You are referring to comments about the draft plan from the Equality and Human Rights Commission. Great progress has been made. That's why you have consultation following draft plans. Great progress was made to finally publish the full disabled people's rights plan, which I launched with disabled people. As I said, this is a 10-year plan. What's really important, and I have the opportunity to reassure colleagues across the Chamber, is that disabled people want to monitor how this plan is being implemented. That includes cross-Government, and it obviously includes financial commitments that have been made, and you saw that in my oral statement on the international day for disabled people. So, we are setting up an external independent advisory board to play a critical role in shaping the direction, monitoring progress and maximising the impact of the plan. That board is going to be set up before the end of this administration, so it will have a key part in terms of future Government engagement, in terms of delivering on the 10-year plan.
Wel, diolch yn fawr, Mark Isherwood, a diolch am gadeirio'r grŵp trawsbleidiol ar bobl anabl yr wyf yn ei fynychu'n rheolaidd. Rydych chi'n cyfeirio at sylwadau am y cynllun drafft gan y Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol. Mae llawer o gynnydd wedi'i wneud. Dyna pam y cewch ymgynghoriad yn dilyn cynlluniau drafft. Fe wnaed llawer o gynnydd i gyhoeddi'r cynllun hawliau pobl anabl llawn a lansiais gyda phobl anabl. Fel y dywedais, mae hwn yn gynllun 10 mlynedd. Yr hyn sy'n wirioneddol bwysig, ac mae gennyf gyfle i roi sicrwydd i fy nghyd-Aelodau ar draws y Siambr, yw bod pobl anabl eisiau monitro sut y caiff y cynllun hwn ei roi ar waith. Mae hynny'n cynnwys gwaith trawslywodraethol, ac mae'n amlwg yn cynnwys ymrwymiadau ariannol a wnaed, a gwelsoch hynny yn fy natganiad llafar ar ddiwrnod rhyngwladol pobl anabl. Felly, rydym yn sefydlu bwrdd cynghori annibynnol allanol i chwarae rhan allweddol yn llunio cyfeiriad, monitro cynnydd a chynyddu effaith y cynllun i'r eithaf. Bydd y bwrdd hwnnw'n cael ei sefydlu cyn diwedd y weinyddiaeth hon, felly bydd ganddo ran allweddol yn ymgysylltiad y Llywodraeth yn y dyfodol ar gyflawniad y cynllun 10 mlynedd.
5. Sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn sicrhau nad yw ei pholisïau ar geiswyr lloches a ffoaduriaid yn annog pobl i ddod i mewn i'r DU drwy ddulliau anghyfreithlon? OQ63630
5. How does the Welsh Government ensure that its policies on asylum seekers and refugees do not encourage people to enter the UK via illegal routes? OQ63630
Thank you for the question. Immigration, asylum and border control are reserved matters for the UK Government. The Welsh Government doesn't decide who enters or the routes taken. Once people are placed in Wales, our focus is on essential support and community cohesion, helping those already placed here to settle and participate safely.
Diolch am eich cwestiwn. Mae mewnfudo, lloches a rheoli ffiniau yn faterion a gedwir yn ôl gan Lywodraeth y DU. Nid Llywodraeth Cymru sy'n penderfynu pwy sy'n dod i mewn na'r llwybrau a ddefnyddir. Pan fydd pobl wedi'u lleoli yng Nghymru, ein ffocws yw cymorth hanfodol a chydlyniant cymunedol, gan helpu'r rhai sydd eisoes wedi'u lleoli yma i ymgartrefu a chyfranogi'n ddiogel.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary, for your answer, but the actions of some councils across Wales are a responsibility, partly, of this Welsh Government. The Liberal Democrat and Labour-led Powys County Council have expressed an interest in a Home Office pilot in which homes will be built or acquired with public funding then be leased back to the Home Office for up to 10 years to house asylum seekers. While the council claims this will not affect those on housing waiting lists, I'm being contacted by local people who are sofa surfing and in temporary accommodation who are desperate for housing now and feel they've been overlooked for people arriving at this country illegally seeking asylum. Cabinet Secretary, can you explain how offering guaranteed accommodation in this way does not risk acting as a pull factor for people entering the UK illegally via different routes? Does she accept that many will see this as unfair at a time when local families are still waiting for a home? Cabinet Secretary, will you instruct councils across Wales not to enter this scheme, because I think it will be to the detriment of local people in my community?
Diolch am eich ateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ond mae gweithredoedd rhai cynghorau ledled Cymru’n gyfrifoldeb, yn rhannol, i'r Llywodraeth hon yng Nghymru. Mae Cyngor Sir Powys, o dan arweiniad y Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol a Llafur, wedi mynegi diddordeb mewn cynllun peilot gan y Swyddfa Gartref lle bydd tai'n cael eu hadeiladu neu eu caffael gyda chyllid cyhoeddus ac yna'n cael eu lesio'n ôl i'r Swyddfa Gartref am hyd at 10 mlynedd i gartrefu ceiswyr lloches. Er bod y cyngor yn honni na fydd hyn yn effeithio ar y rhai sydd ar restrau aros am dai, mae pobl leol sy'n mynd o soffa i soffa ac mewn llety dros dro sy'n daer am dai ar hyn o bryd yn cysylltu â mi ac yn teimlo eu bod wedi cael eu hanwybyddu o blaid pobl sy'n cyrraedd y wlad hon yn anghyfreithlon ac sy'n ceisio lloches. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a allwch chi egluro sut nad oes perygl fod cynnig llety gwarantedig yn y ffordd hon yn gweithredu fel ffactor i ddenu pobl i ddod i'r DU yn anghyfreithlon drwy wahanol lwybrau? A yw'n derbyn y bydd llawer o bobl yn gweld hyn yn annheg ar adeg pan fo teuluoedd lleol yn dal i aros am gartref? Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a wnewch chi gyfarwyddo cynghorau ledled Cymru i beidio ag ymuno â'r cynllun hwn, gan y credaf y bydd yn niweidiol i bobl leol yn fy nghymuned?
I'm very pleased that I'm co-chairing, in fact, this week a nation of sanctuary oversight board. I co-chair that with the leader of Monmouthshire council, Councillor Mary Ann Brocklesby. It's a really important meeting, an oversight board on the way that we are working together to deliver on our aspiration for Wales to be a nation of sanctuary. Of course, the nation of sanctuary approach is designed to facilitate the integration of people arriving in Wales, enabling them to make meaningful contributions to Welsh communities.
I will go back to—. I don't know if you listened to my answer to the question, but I did say that immigration, asylum and border control are reserved matters for the UK Government. We don't decide who enters or the routes taken, and, indeed, of course, in terms of asylum accommodation, that is the case. But we are very pleased to work with the UK Government in terms of the Home Office and the Ministry of Justice, who also play a part in our nation of sanctuary oversight board in terms of asylum accommodation.
We advocate, as do the Welsh Local Government Association and our colleagues, for a proportionate dispersal model in Wales in collaboration with our partners in local government. Let's also look at the answer I made. This is about community cohesion. This is about securing support and safeguarding, meeting basic needs, fostering community cohesion for all those who are dispersed or resettled here. We strongly condemn criminal exploitation, and I know that you would agree with this, and unsafe migration routes. What is important is that the UK Government is testing a range of approaches to asylum accommodation and support pilot models, and we are engaging in this work, as are Welsh local authorities. I've encouraged that. Participation allows local authorities to see the benefits of effective asylum dispersal, and how integrating refugees can enrich communities.
Rwy'n falch iawn fy mod yn cyd-gadeirio bwrdd trosolwg cenedl noddfa yr wythnos hon. Rwy'n ei gyd-gadeirio gydag arweinydd Cyngor Sir Fynwy, y Cynghorydd Mary Ann Brocklesby. Mae'n gyfarfod pwysig iawn, bwrdd trosolwg ar y ffordd y gweithiwn gyda'n gilydd i gyflawni ein dyhead i Gymru fod yn genedl noddfa. Wrth gwrs, mae'r dull cenedl noddfa o weithredu wedi'i gynllunio i gynorthwyo pobl sy'n cyrraedd Cymru i integreiddio, gan eu galluogi i wneud cyfraniadau ystyrlon i gymunedau Cymru.
Rwyf am fynd yn ôl at—. Nid wyf yn gwybod a wrandawoch chi ar fy ateb i'r cwestiwn, ond dywedais fod mewnfudo, lloches a rheoli ffiniau yn faterion a gedwir yn ôl gan Lywodraeth y DU. Nid ni sy'n penderfynu pwy sy'n dod i mewn na'r llwybrau a ddefnyddir, ac yn wir, o ran llety i geiswyr lloches, dyna fel y mae. Ond rydym yn falch iawn o weithio gyda'r Swyddfa Gartref a'r Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder yn Llywodraeth y DU, sydd hefyd yn chwarae rhan ar ein bwrdd trosolwg cenedl noddfa o ran llety i geiswyr lloches.
Rydym yn dadlau, fel y mae Cymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru a'n cyd-Aelodau yn ei ddadlau, dros fodel gwasgaru cymesur yng Nghymru mewn cydweithrediad â'n partneriaid mewn llywodraeth leol. Gadewch inni edrych hefyd ar yr ateb a roddais. Mae a wnelo hyn â chydlyniant cymunedol. Mae a wnelo â sicrhau cymorth a diogelu, diwallu anghenion sylfaenol, meithrin cydlyniant cymunedol i bawb sy'n cael eu gwasgaru neu eu hadsefydlu yma. Rydym yn condemnio camfanteisio troseddol yn gryf, a gwn y byddech chi'n cytuno â hyn, a llwybrau mudo anniogel. Yr hyn sy'n bwysig yw bod Llywodraeth y DU yn profi ystod o fodelau peilot cymorth a llety i geiswyr lloches, ac rydym yn cymryd rhan yn y gwaith hwn, fel y mae awdurdodau lleol Cymru. Rwyf wedi annog hynny. Mae cyfranogiad yn caniatáu i awdurdodau lleol weld manteision gwasgaru ceiswyr lloches yn effeithiol, a sut y gall integreiddio ffoaduriaid gyfoethogi cymunedau.
Diolch, James, for raising this issue, because it goes to the heart of public confidence. Of course Wales should be compassionate, but compassion without control is not a policy, it's an invitation. The Welsh Government cannot pretend that its rhetoric and decisions have no impact, and we certainly can't pretend, like Plaid, that there is no such thing as immigration. Your virtue-signalling nation of sanctuary policy is effectively holding a neon sign over Wales saying, 'Come on in.' If we had a surplus of housing—we don't—if our NHS waiting lists were short—they're not—then fine. But Wales is on its knees, our public services are stretched to the max, thanks to Labour and Plaid's rule over the last 26 years. So, don't you think, Welsh Government, it's about time that you put Welsh families first? We need to look after our veterans, our vulnerable and our homeless, before we start inviting more people to this country.
Diolch am godi'r mater hwn, James, gan ei fod yn mynd at wraidd hyder y cyhoedd. Wrth gwrs y dylai Cymru fod yn dosturiol, ond nid polisi yw tosturi heb reolaeth, ond gwahoddiad. Ni all Llywodraeth Cymru esgus nad oes gan ei rhethreg a'i phenderfyniadau unrhyw effaith, ac yn sicr, ni allwn esgus, fel Plaid Cymru, nad oes y fath beth â mewnfudo. I bob pwrpas, mae eich polisi cenedl noddfa hunangyfiawn yn dal arwydd neon uwchben Cymru sy’n dweud, 'Dewch i mewn.' Pe bai gennym ormodedd o dai—ac nid oes—pe bai rhestrau aros ein GIG yn fyr—ac nid ydynt—yna digon teg. Ond mae Cymru ar ei gliniau, mae ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus wedi'u hymestyn i'r eithaf, diolch i reolaeth Llafur a Phlaid Cymru dros y 26 mlynedd diwethaf. Felly, onid ydych chi'n credu, Lywodraeth Cymru, ei bod yn bryd ichi roi teuluoedd Cymru yn gyntaf? Mae angen inni ofalu am ein cyn-filwyr, ein pobl agored i niwed a'n pobl ddigartref, cyn inni ddechrau gwahodd mwy o bobl i'r wlad hon.
Well, I presume—I would quite imagine—that Laura Anne Jones didn't take the opportunity, like many of us did in this Chamber, to meet Sanctuary Coalition Cymru. I think colleagues will remember we met with them before Christmas and what the message was—and I'm proud that the Welsh Government funds the Welsh Refugee Council—from Sanctuary Coalition Cymru is that sanctuary works for Wales. As they shared with us, why does it work for Wales? Why does it work for everyone? It works for communities, honest, respectful leadership, building trust between neighbours, reducing tensions, creating safer, more united places to live. It works for the economy, countering misinformation, avoiding unnecessary fear that can deter investment, deter tourism and community development. It works for public safety, reducing the spread of hate, which undermines extremist recruitment and lowers the risk of violence or disorder. It works for Government and leaders, it demonstrates integrity, it strengthens public confidence, and, of course, we can't afford to keep talented, willing workers on the sidelines. Strength, national pride, is what the nation of sanctuary is about.
Wel, rwy'n tybio—buaswn yn dychmygu—na wnaeth Laura Anne Jones fanteisio ar y cyfle, fel y gwnaeth llawer ohonom yn y Siambr hon, i gyfarfod â Sanctuary Coalition Cymru. Bydd cyd-Aelodau'n cofio inni gyfarfod â nhw cyn y Nadolig a'r neges—ac rwy'n falch fod Llywodraeth Cymru’n ariannu Cyngor Ffoaduriaid Cymru—gan Sanctuary Coalition Cymru yw bod noddfa'n gweithio i Gymru. Fel y gwnaethant rannu gyda ni, pam ei bod yn gweithio i Gymru? Pam ei bod yn gweithio i bawb? Mae'n gweithio i gymunedau, arweinyddiaeth onest a pharchus, gan feithrin ymddiriedaeth rhwng cymdogion, lleihau tensiynau, creu lleoedd mwy diogel a mwy unedig i fyw ynddynt. Mae'n gweithio i'r economi, yn atal camwybodaeth, yn osgoi creu ofn diangen a all atal buddsoddiad, atal twristiaeth a datblygu cymunedol. Mae'n gweithio er diogelwch y cyhoedd, gan leihau lledaeniad casineb, a thanseilio recriwtio eithafwyr ac yn lleihau'r risg o drais neu anhrefn. Mae'n gweithio i'r Llywodraeth ac arweinwyr, mae'n dangos uniondeb, mae'n cryfhau hyder y cyhoedd, ac wrth gwrs, ni allwn fforddio cadw gweithwyr talentog, parod ar yr ymylon. Cryfder, balchder cenedlaethol, yw hanfod y genedl noddfa.
Firstly, Cabinet Secretary, would you agree that asylum seekers are not taking the decision to come to this country lightly? They're not risking their lives, leaving family members behind and making dangerous journeys here, just simply because we are a nation of sanctuary. I think asylum seekers and refugees contribute to our society so much here in Wales, including the professional jobs, especially in the health service, and I think that's really important to remember when we talk about scarce resources. Social care as well: health and social care are staffed, in many ways, by people who have sought sanctuary here. And they also bring wonderful cultural traditions that we all celebrate and enjoy. So, shouldn't we continue to build on our nation of sanctuary, welcoming and supporting asylum seekers and refugees to all our benefit, individually and for Wales as a nation?
Yn gyntaf, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a fyddech chi'n cytuno nad yw ceiswyr lloches yn gwneud y penderfyniad i ddod i'r wlad hon yn ysgafn? Nid ydynt yn peryglu eu bywydau, gan adael aelodau o'r teulu ar ôl a gwneud teithiau peryglus yma, am ddim rheswm gwell na'n bod ni'n genedl noddfa. Rwy'n credu bod ceiswyr lloches a ffoaduriaid yn cyfrannu cymaint at ein cymdeithas yma yng Nghymru, gan gynnwys y swyddi proffesiynol, yn enwedig yn y gwasanaeth iechyd, ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n bwysig iawn i'w gofio pan fyddwn yn siarad am adnoddau prin. Gofal cymdeithasol hefyd: mae iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn cael eu staffio, mewn sawl ffordd, gan bobl sydd wedi ceisio noddfa yma. Ac maent hefyd yn dod â thraddodiadau diwylliannol gwych yr ydym i gyd yn eu dathlu ac yn eu mwynhau. Felly, oni ddylem barhau i adeiladu ar ein cenedl noddfa, gan groesawu a chefnogi ceiswyr lloches a ffoaduriaid er ein budd ni i gyd fel unigolion, a Chymru fel cenedl?
Julie Morgan, thank you for those important points. And how many of us in this Chamber have shared together so many of those important cultural events—cultural events throughout the whole of the year? And there will be more forthcoming in the coming weeks.
But can I also just particularly pay tribute to the Afghan and Ukrainian people who've come to live in Wales, escaping that violence, that conflict, of which they had no part, no say, no choice? They escaped, and the UK Government and the previous UK Conservative Government backed those resettlement schemes, and we're committed to building on our successful role in our welcome centres across Wales in refugee resettlement and asylum dispersal. I was very privileged to have a visit on 27 December from some Ukrainians who came to sing carols outside my house in our community. And the wonderful contribution that is being made by the Ukrainian people who are working in social care, who are working in education, working in our schools, working in our businesses, and now our Afghan citizens who've come to Wales, escaping that conflict. We do need safe and legal resettlement schemes, and that's the message I'm making to the UK Government, and I hope that this Chamber will support that.
Julie Morgan, diolch am y pwyntiau pwysig hynny. A faint ohonom yn y Siambr hon sydd wedi rhannu mewn cymaint o'r digwyddiadau diwylliannol pwysig hynny—digwyddiadau diwylliannol trwy gydol y flwyddyn? A bydd mwy ar y gweill yn yr wythnosau nesaf.
Ond a gaf i hefyd dalu teyrnged arbennig i bobl Affganistan ac Wcráin sydd wedi dod i fyw yng Nghymru, gan ddianc rhag y trais, y gwrthdaro, nad oedd ganddynt unrhyw ran ynddo, na llais na dewis yn ei gylch? Fe wnaethant ddianc, a chefnogodd Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth Geidwadol flaenorol y DU y cynlluniau ailsefydlu, ac rydym wedi ymrwymo i adeiladu ar ein rôl lwyddiannus yn ein canolfannau croeso ledled Cymru ym maes ailsefydlu ffoaduriaid a gwasgaru ceiswyr lloches. Cefais y fraint fawr o gael ymweliad ar 27 Rhagfyr gan Wcreiniaid a ddaeth i ganu carolau y tu allan i fy nhŷ yn ein cymuned. A'r cyfraniad gwych sy'n cael ei wneud gan bobl Wcráin sy'n gweithio ym maes gofal cymdeithasol, sy'n gweithio ym maes addysg, yn gweithio yn ein hysgolion, yn gweithio yn ein busnesau, a nawr ein dinasyddion o Affganistan sydd wedi dod i Gymru, gan ddianc o'r gwrthdaro hwnnw. Mae angen cynlluniau ailsefydlu diogel a chyfreithlon arnom, a dyna'r neges rwy'n ei rhoi i Lywodraeth y DU, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y Siambr hon yn cefnogi hynny.
6. Pa gyllid mae cymunedau yn Islwyn wedi'i gael gan y Loteri Genedlaethol dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf? OQ63662
6. What funding have communities in Islwyn received from the National Lottery over the last five years? OQ63662
Thank you, Rhianon Passmore. Over the last five years, Islwyn has received a total of £2.4 million in lottery funding. This includes £1.5 million from the National Lottery Community Fund, £367,000 from the National Lottery Heritage Fund, £190,000 from the Arts Council of Wales and £332,000 from Sport Wales.
Diolch, Rhianon Passmore. Dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf, mae Islwyn wedi derbyn cyfanswm o £2.4 miliwn o arian loteri. Mae hyn yn cynnwys £1.5 miliwn gan Gronfa Gymunedol y Loteri Genedlaethol, £367,000 gan Gronfa Dreftadaeth y Loteri Genedlaethol, £190,000 gan Gyngor Celfyddydau Cymru a £332,000 gan Chwaraeon Cymru.
The National Lottery has recently informed me after an inquiry that from April to August in 2025, the National Lottery awarded just £137,892 to community projects in Islwyn during that timescale. The Welsh Government will be cognisant that Islwyn is made up of several Gwent mining towns and villages that suffered from the industrial dismantling instigated by Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Government. How can the Welsh Government ensure that the National Lottery is reaching out to the people of Islwyn to drive awareness of the funding criteria—[Interruption.] Sorry, can I just continue? There's so much noise.
How can we ensure that the National Lottery is reaching out to the people of Islwyn to drive awareness of the funding criteria and that applicants are supported in how to apply for much-needed National Lottery funding? And crucially, Cabinet Secretary, how does this meagre amount during that period compare to other Welsh community projects across Wales?
Mae'r Loteri Genedlaethol wedi rhoi gwybod i mi yn ddiweddar ar ôl ymchwiliad, mai dim ond £137,892 a ddyfarnodd y Loteri Genedlaethol i brosiectau cymunedol yn Islwyn yn ystod y cyfnod rhwng mis Ebrill a mis Awst 2025. Bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ymwybodol fod Islwyn yn cynnwys nifer o drefi a phentrefi glofaol Gwent a ddioddefodd o'r datgymalu diwydiannol a ysgogwyd gan Lywodraeth Geidwadol Margaret Thatcher. Sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru sicrhau bod y Loteri Genedlaethol yn estyn allan at bobl Islwyn i hybu ymwybyddiaeth o'r meini prawf cyllido—[Torri ar draws.] Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, a gaf i barhau? Mae cymaint o sŵn.
Sut y gallwn ni sicrhau bod y Loteri Genedlaethol yn estyn allan at bobl Islwyn i hybu ymwybyddiaeth o'r meini prawf cyllido a bod ymgeiswyr yn cael eu cefnogi i wneud cais am gyllid mawr ei angen gan y Loteri Genedlaethol? Ac yn hollbwysig, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, sut y mae'r swm prin hwn dros y cyfnod hwnnw yn cymharu â phrosiectau cymunedol eraill ledled Cymru?
Thank you very much, Rhianon Passmore. I have outlined the investment that does take place, and it's important that that's on the record. You'll know that Welsh Government has an influence on the National Lottery Community Fund. We set the policy directions and we're very clear about those priorities, conditions that must be strengthened for stronger, safer and more cohesive communities, enhancing social justice, mitigating the effect of poverty. But I also want to say that, in terms of the National Lottery Community Fund, it's committed to awarding more than 50 per cent of grants by volume to communities facing the highest levels of deprivation, as you've identified in your constituency, by the end of the corporate plan period 2024-27.
Diolch yn fawr, Rhianon Passmore. Rwyf wedi amlinellu'r buddsoddiad sy'n digwydd, ac mae'n bwysig fod hynny wedi'i gofnodi. Fe fyddwch yn gwybod bod gan Lywodraeth Cymru ddylanwad ar Gronfa Gymunedol y Loteri Genedlaethol. Rydym yn gosod y cyfeiriadau polisi ac rydym yn glir iawn am y blaenoriaethau, yr amodau y mae'n rhaid eu cryfhau ar gyfer cymunedau cryfach, mwy diogel a mwy cydlynol, i wella cyfiawnder cymdeithasol, lliniaru effaith tlodi. Ond rwyf hefyd eisiau dweud, o ran Cronfa Gymunedol y Loteri Genedlaethol, ei bod wedi ymrwymo i ddyfarnu mwy na 50 y cant o gyfanswm y grantiau i gymunedau sy'n wynebu'r lefelau uchaf o amddifadedd, fel y nodoch chi yn eich etholaeth, erbyn diwedd cyfnod y cynllun corfforaethol ar gyfer 2024-27.
7. Ydy Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi ymgorffori’r hawl i fwyd yng nghyfraith Cymru? OQ63642
7. Does the Welsh Government support incorporating the right to food into Welsh law? OQ63642
Diolch yn fawr, Adam Price. The Welsh Government is committed to ensuring that everyone in Wales has access to healthy, sustainable food. We are delivering this through the Welsh Government food forum, our community food strategy, local food partnerships and robust support for the food industry.
Diolch yn fawr, Adam Price. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i sicrhau bod gan bawb yng Nghymru fynediad at fwyd iach, cynaliadwy. Rydym yn cyflawni hyn drwy fforwm bwyd Llywodraeth Cymru, ein strategaeth bwyd cymunedol, partneriaethau bwyd lleol a chefnogaeth gadarn i'r diwydiant bwyd.
Cabinet Secretary, international human rights law already recognises a right to adequate food, including in the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights. Wales has shown that we can embed United Nations treaty rights in devolved law, as we've done with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, albeit in a limited way. Given that the key levers are devolved—public health, schools, social care and much of food policy—will you support legislating for a right to food in Wales, either through a Welsh human rights Bill or a stand-alone right to food Bill, with clear duties on Ministers to prevent and reduce food insecurity and annual reporting to the Senedd on progress? Isn't this another opportunity for this Senedd and for Wales to lead the way on a matter that is of such vital importance to our people?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae cyfraith hawliau dynol ryngwladol eisoes yn cydnabod hawl i fwyd digonol, gan gynnwys yn y cyfamod rhyngwladol ar hawliau economaidd, cymdeithasol a diwylliannol. Mae Cymru wedi dangos y gallwn ymgorffori hawliau cytuniad y Cenhedloedd Unedig mewn cyfraith ddatganoledig, fel y gwnaethom gyda Chonfensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn, er mewn ffordd gyfyngedig. O ystyried bod y liferi allweddol wedi'u datganoli—iechyd y cyhoedd, ysgolion, gofal cymdeithasol a llawer o bolisi bwyd—a wnewch chi gefnogi deddfu ar gyfer hawl i fwyd yng Nghymru, naill ai drwy Fil hawliau dynol Cymru neu Fil hawl i fwyd annibynnol, gyda dyletswyddau clir ar Weinidogion i atal a lleihau diffyg diogeledd bwyd ac adrodd yn flynyddol i'r Senedd ar gynnydd? Onid yw hwn yn gyfle arall i'r Senedd hon ac i Gymru arwain y ffordd ar fater sydd mor hanfodol bwysig i'n pobl?
It is vitally important that our people in Wales, and indeed our food industry, benefit from the policies that I have outlined. We do believe, at this stage, in terms of what we do now, that meaningful progress on access to food is best achieved through practical, targeted interventions that support producers, protect the environment and address health inequalities. This is very much a cross-Government responsibility, which I share with the Deputy First Minister, strengthening local food partnerships and systems. And I do encourage you, Adam Price, and all Members to meet with their local food partnerships, which we are funding. In fact, I was looking back and there were debates on this, on the right to food, back in 2022. It's important that you've brought this back for us to look at in terms of what's happened since then. We have spent over £29 million since 2019 to support community food organisations. We've got the new community food strategy, the local food partnerships, so we don't feel that there's a current need to incorporate the right to food into Welsh law because of our existing measures, but we do need to, obviously, look at this in terms of the ambitions that we have to ensure that we do deliver in terms of food justice, which I believe is the overall goal and aim of this Government.
Mae'n hanfodol bwysig fod ein pobl yng Nghymru, a'n diwydiant bwyd yn wir, yn elwa o'r polisïau a amlinellais. Rydym yn credu, ar hyn o bryd, o ran yr hyn a wnawn nawr, fod cynnydd ystyrlon ar fynediad at fwyd yn cael ei gyflawni orau trwy ymyriadau ymarferol wedi'u targedu sy'n cefnogi cynhyrchwyr, yn diogelu'r amgylchedd ac yn mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldebau iechyd. Mae hwn yn gyfrifoldeb trawslywodraethol a rannaf gyda'r Dirprwy Brif Weinidog, gan gryfhau partneriaethau a systemau bwyd lleol. Ac rwy'n eich annog chi, Adam Price, a'r holl Aelodau i gyfarfod â'ch partneriaethau bwyd lleol, a ariannir gennym ni. Mewn gwirionedd, roeddwn i'n edrych yn ôl ac roedd dadleuon ar hyn, ar yr hawl i fwyd, yn ôl yn 2022. Mae'n bwysig eich bod wedi dod â hyn yn ôl i ni edrych arno o ran yr hyn sydd wedi digwydd ers hynny. Rydym wedi gwario dros £29 miliwn ers 2019 i gefnogi sefydliadau bwyd cymunedol. Mae gennym y strategaeth fwyd gymunedol newydd, y partneriaethau bwyd lleol, felly nid ydym yn teimlo bod angen ymgorffori'r hawl i fwyd yng nghyfraith Cymru ar hyn o bryd oherwydd ein mesurau presennol, ond yn amlwg, mae angen inni edrych ar hyn yng nghyd-destun yr uchelgeisiau sydd gennym i sicrhau ein bod yn cyflawni o ran cyfiawnder bwyd, y credaf ei fod yn nod ac yn amcan hollgynhwysfawr i'r Llywodraeth hon.
Ac yn olaf cwestiwn 8, Russell George.
And finally question 8, Russell George.
8. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i gefnogi cyfleusterau cymunedol yng nghanolbarth Cymru? OQ63645
8. What action is the Welsh Government taking to support community facilities in mid Wales? OQ63645
Thank you, Russell George. The Welsh Government provides capital support for community facilities across Wales through our community facilities programme and our community asset loan fund. In addition, the Third Sector Support Wales infrastructure provides help and advice on sustainable funding, good governance, safeguarding and volunteer management to all voluntary sector organisations in Wales.
Diolch, Russell George. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn darparu cymorth cyfalaf ar gyfer cyfleusterau cymunedol ledled Cymru drwy ein rhaglen cyfleusterau cymunedol a'n cronfa benthyciadau asedau cymunedol. Yn ogystal, mae seilwaith Cefnogi Trydydd Sector Cymru yn darparu cymorth a chyngor ar gyllid cynaliadwy, llywodraethu da, diogelu a rheoli gwirfoddolwyr i holl sefydliadau'r sector gwirfoddol yng Nghymru.
Thank you for your answer, Cabinet Secretary. The Minerva Arts Centre in Llanidloes is a valued facility. Sadly, it recently suffered a significant leak above the main gallery. What is positive is that, as an organisation, they were granted grant funding recently by the National Lottery Heritage Fund, which is of course positive news, but this recent damage causes some difficulties in being able to continue with the projects that were planned. As a charity, and along with the Quilt Association that is based at the centre, they've arranged fundraising events, to begin with a Raise the Roof event on 7 February to raise the £20,000 that's required. As well as encouraging people to help with the fundraising efforts, what other advice can be given or how can the Welsh Government support such an organisation and charity to raise the necessary funds?
Diolch am eich ateb, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Mae Canolfan y Celfyddydau Minerva yn Llanidloes yn gyfleuster gwerthfawr. Yn anffodus, yn ddiweddar gwnaed difrod sylweddol gan ddŵr yn gollwng uwchben y brif oriel. Yr hyn sy'n gadarnhaol yw eu bod fel sefydliad wedi cael cyllid grant yn ddiweddar gan Gronfa Dreftadaeth y Loteri Genedlaethol, sydd wrth gwrs yn newyddion cadarnhaol, ond mae'r difrod diweddar yn achosi rhai anawsterau i allu parhau â'r prosiectau a gynlluniwyd. Fel elusen, a chyda Chymdeithas y Cwilt sydd wedi'i lleoli yn y ganolfan, maent wedi trefnu digwyddiadau codi arian, i ddechrau gyda digwyddiad ar 7 Chwefror i godi'r £20,000 sydd ei angen. Yn ogystal ag annog pobl i helpu gyda'r ymdrechion codi arian, pa gyngor arall y gellir ei roi neu sut y gall Llywodraeth Cymru gynorthwyo sefydliad ac elusen o'r fath i godi'r arian angenrheidiol?
Thank you very much for that question. I will ask my officials to engage directly with you in terms of support for the Minerva Arts Centre. It is interesting that they've got National Lottery heritage funding, because often that actually opens the door to other funding, and I would particularly draw attention to the community facilities programme. I've mentioned it. It provides grants of up to £25,000 and up to £300,000. That's a direct grant from the Welsh Government. It's particularly focused at capital, but I'm sure that—. And indeed we will engage with PAVO, the Powys Association of Voluntary Organisations, to see if we can find a way forward to support this organisation.
Diolch yn fawr am y cwestiwn hwnnw. Byddaf yn gofyn i fy swyddogion ymgysylltu'n uniongyrchol â chi ynghylch cefnogaeth i Ganolfan Gelfyddydau Minerva. Mae'n ddiddorol eu bod wedi cael cyllid treftadaeth y Loteri Genedlaethol, oherwydd yn aml mae hynny'n agor y drws ar gyllid arall, a hoffwn dynnu sylw arbennig at y rhaglen cyfleusterau cymunedol. Rwyf wedi sôn amdani. Mae'n darparu grantiau o hyd at £25,000 a hyd at £300,000. Grant uniongyrchol gan Lywodraeth Cymru yw hwnnw. Mae'n canolbwyntio'n arbennig ar gyfalaf, ond rwy'n siŵr fod—. Ac yn wir byddwn yn ymgysylltu â Chymdeithas Mudiadau Gwirfoddol Powys i weld a allwn ddod o hyd i ffordd ymlaen i gefnogi'r sefydliad hwn.
Diolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary.
Cwestiynau i Gomisiwn y Senedd sydd nesaf. Bydd y cwestiynau yn cael eu hateb gan y Llywydd. Cwestiwn 1, Hannah Blythyn.
The next item is questions to the Senedd Commission. The questions will be answered by the Llywydd. Question 1, Hannah Blythyn.
1. Beth yw polisi'r Comisiwn ar ddefnyddio cytundebau peidio â datgelu? OQ63650
1. What is the Commission's policy on the use of non-disclosure agreements? OQ63650
Nid oes gan y Comisiwn bolisi penodol ar gytundebau peidio â datgelu. Pan fydd aelod o staff y Comisiwn yn gadael y sefydliad, y disgwyliad yw i'r ddwy ochr gadw manylion yn gyfrinachol am gyflogaeth gweithwyr unigol.
The Commission has no specific policy on non-disclosure agreements. When a member of Commission staff leaves the organisation, the expectation is that both sides keep confidential details of the employment of individual workers.
Diolch am eich ateb, Llywydd.
Thank you for that response, Llywydd.
It's a shame I can't actually see you at the moment in this Chamber. [Laughter.]
I appreciate that. Members here will be familiar that the original purpose of NDAs was to protect intellectual property or other commercial and sensitive information, but sadly they've become more commonly used to stop people from speaking out about really horrific experiences, often within the workplace. We've all seen and heard a number of high-profile cases in recent years around the globe, particularly in connection with things like the #MeToo movement. Personally, I've never used an NDA, nor do I ever foresee a circumstance within which I would wish to, and I very much welcome recent changes in UK employment rights legislation that will ban the use of NDAs to silence employees who have been subjected to harassment and abuse.
So, what I wanted to ask today, with that in mind, is: what consideration is the Commission giving to any guidance to sit alongside that new legislation? Also, is there any information that holds us to account in terms of any parameters in which Members would be able to use NDAs and have used NDAs? And do you agree with me, potentially, in looking at the work we're doing as a Senedd to strengthen this place, that we should go beyond the letter of that new law and the Senedd should take the position that NDAs should also not be used in cases such as workplace bullying? Diolch.
Mae'n drueni na allaf eich gweld chi ar hyn o bryd yn y Siambr hon. [Chwerthin.]
Rwy'n deall hynny. Bydd Aelodau yma'n gwybod mai pwrpas gwreiddiol cytundebau peidio â datgelu oedd diogelu eiddo deallusol neu wybodaeth fasnachol a sensitif arall, ond yn anffodus maent wedi dod i gael eu defnyddio'n fwy cyffredin i atal pobl rhag siarad am brofiadau erchyll iawn, yn y gweithle yn aml. Rydym i gyd wedi gweld a chlywed nifer o achosion proffil uchel yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf ledled y byd, yn enwedig mewn cysylltiad â phethau fel y mudiad #MeToo. Yn bersonol, nid wyf erioed wedi defnyddio cytundeb peidio â datgelu, ac nid wyf erioed wedi rhagweld amgylchiad y byddwn yn dymuno gwneud hynny, ac rwy'n croesawu'n fawr y newidiadau diweddar yn neddfwriaeth hawliau cyflogaeth y DU a fydd yn gwahardd y defnydd o gytundebau peidio â datgelu i dawelu gweithwyr sydd wedi dioddef aflonyddu a chamdriniaeth.
Felly, yr hyn roeddwn eisiau ei ofyn heddiw, gyda hynny mewn golwg, yw: pa ystyriaeth y mae'r Comisiwn yn ei rhoi i unrhyw ganllawiau i fynd gyda'r ddeddfwriaeth newydd honno? Hefyd, a oes unrhyw wybodaeth sy'n ein dwyn ni i gyfrif o ran unrhyw baramedrau lle byddai Aelodau yn gallu, a lle byddant wedi defnyddio cytundebau peidio â datgelu? Ac a ydych chi'n cytuno â mi, wrth edrych ar y gwaith a wnawn fel Senedd i gryfhau'r lle hwn, y dylem fynd y tu hwnt i lythyren y deddf newydd honno ac y dylai'r Senedd fabwysiadu'r safbwynt na ddylid defnyddio cytundebau peidio â datgelu mewn achosion fel bwlio yn y gweithle? Diolch.
Well, that legislation is now in place and guides all Members and guides the Commission on what it can and cannot do. Any Member who seeks advice from the Commission and from our Member support service on employment agreements will be given that advice in accordance with the law. Sometimes, unfortunately, employment and settlement agreements are necessary, and confidentiality clauses in those settlement agreements are important for both the employer and the employee. But the point that Hannah Blythyn makes from beyond this pillar is an important point for all of us to remember, and the Commission as well: that we operate within the law and we always need to take the best possible legal advice on complying with that law and ensuring that we treat all our staff as individual Members, and Commission staff, fairly and appropriately and legally, in all our work.
Wel, mae'r ddeddfwriaeth honno bellach ar waith ac yn arwain pob Aelod a'r Comisiwn ar yr hyn y gallant ei wneud ac na allant ei wneud. Bydd unrhyw Aelod sy'n gofyn am gyngor gan y Comisiwn a'n gwasanaeth cymorth i Aelodau ar gytundebau cyflogaeth yn cael y cyngor hwnnw yn unol â'r gyfraith. Weithiau, yn anffodus, mae angen cytundebau cyflogaeth a setlo, ac mae cymalau cyfrinachedd yn y cytundebau setlo hynny'n bwysig i'r cyflogwr a'r gweithiwr. Ond mae'r pwynt y mae Hannah Blythyn yn ei wneud o'r ochr arall i'r piler yn bwynt pwysig i bob un ohonom ei gofio, a'r Comisiwn hefyd: ein bod yn gweithredu o fewn y gyfraith a bod angen inni bob amser gymryd y cyngor cyfreithiol gorau posib ar gydymffurfio â'r gyfraith honno a sicrhau ein bod ni fel Aelodau unigol a staff Comisiwn yn trin ein holl staff yn deg ac yn briodol ac yn gyfreithlon, yn ein holl waith.
2. Pa gefnogaeth mae'r Comisiwn yn ei ddarparu i Grwpiau Trawsbleidiol? OQ63634
2. What support does the Commission provide to Cross-party Groups? OQ63634
Again, another Member beyond the pillar for me.
Unwaith eto, Aelod arall ar yr ochr draw i'r piler i mi.
Mae'r rheolau ar gyfer gweithredu grwpiau trawsbleidiol y cytunwyd arnynt gan y Pwyllgor Safonau Ymddygiad yn nodi'r gefnogaeth y mae'r Comisiwn yn ei darparu i grwpiau trawsbleidiol. Mae gan grwpiau trawsbleidiol fynediad at gyfleusterau ac adnoddau'r Senedd, gan gynnwys ymneilltuo ystafelloedd a'r trefniadau sy'n gysylltiedig ar gyfer cyfarfodydd a darparu gwasanaeth cyfieithu ar y pryd. Mae'r rheolau ar gyfer gweithredu grwpiau trawsbleidiol yn cael eu gweinyddu gan y Swyddfa Gyflwyno, sydd bob amser ar gael i gynghori Aelodau os oes ganddynt unrhyw ymholiadau. Ond mae'n bwysig cofio, wrth gwrs, taw Aelodau sy'n arwain a hwyluso'r grwpiau trawsbleidiol, nid y Comisiwn.
The rules for the operation of cross-party groups agreed by the Standards of Conduct Committee set out the support that the Commission provides to CPGs. CPGs have access to Senedd facilities and resources, including room bookings and associated meeting arrangements and the provision of interpretation. The rules for the operation of CPGs are administered by the Table Office, which is always available to advise Members if they have any queries. But it's important to remember, of course, that Members lead and facilitate the CPGs, not the Commission.
Thank you very much for your answer, Llywydd. I'd like some guidance from you on whether a CPG can take monetary sponsorship from an outside body to enable Members to go on trips or to help facilitate with transport costs or hotel costs. Because what we do see sometimes is that if Members want to go on trips associated with CPG visits, sometimes we're not allowed to do that or claim them back, even though it's sometimes associated with our work as Members of the Senedd. So, I'd just be interested to hear from you whether you could provide some updated guidance on what monetary sponsorship can be provided by outside bodies to CPGs.
Diolch yn fawr am eich ateb, Lywydd. Hoffwn gael arweiniad gennych ynglŷn ag a all grŵp trawsbleidiol dderbyn nawdd ariannol gan gorff allanol i alluogi Aelodau i fynd ar deithiau neu i helpu i hwyluso gyda chostau trafnidiaeth neu gostau gwesty. Oherwydd yr hyn a welwn weithiau, os yw Aelodau eisiau mynd ar deithiau sy'n gysylltiedig ag ymweliadau grwpiau trawsbleidiol, yw na chaniateir i ni wneud hynny na'u hawlio'n ôl, er eu bod weithiau'n gysylltiedig â'n gwaith fel Aelodau o'r Senedd. Felly, hoffwn glywed a allwch chi ddarparu canllawiau wedi'u diweddaru ar ba nawdd ariannol y gall cyrff allanol ei ddarparu i grwpiau trawsbleidiol.
As I said in my answer, advice to Members on CPGs is best sought from the Table Office or, in the context of financial support, from the Members' business service. Some of that work, as you've noted, may well be to undertake parliamentary duties within the context of a CPG, and the determination, of course, will guide on whether that is something that can be funded.
On external financial support by third parties, of course, that is something that cross-party group members can avail themselves of, but they would need to seek advice from the Table Office in order to ensure that that complies with all declared interests and is reported as part of the CPG reporting and transparency guidance. So, there is advice available to Members. As is often the case, I'm not the best person to give that advice. There are people who can do that directly to you. I'd point you in the direction of the determination and Member support and the Table Office.
Fel y dywedais yn fy ateb, y lle gorau i'r Aelodau gael cyngor ar grwpiau trawsbleidiol yw'r Swyddfa Gyflwyno neu, yng nghyd-destun cymorth ariannol, gan wasanaeth busnes yr Aelodau. Efallai mai peth o'r gwaith hwnnw, fel y nodoch chi, fydd ymgymryd â dyletswyddau seneddol yng nghyd-destun grŵp trawsbleidiol, a bydd y penderfyniad, wrth gwrs, yn rhoi arweiniad ynglŷn ag a yw hynny'n rhywbeth y gellir ei ariannu.
Ar gymorth ariannol allanol gan drydydd partïon, wrth gwrs, mae hynny'n rhywbeth y gall aelodau grŵp trawsbleidiol fanteisio arno, ond byddai angen iddynt ofyn am gyngor gan y Swyddfa Gyflwyno er mwyn sicrhau bod hynny'n cydymffurfio â'r holl fuddiannau a gaiff eu datgan a'u hadrodd yn rhan o'r canllawiau i grwpiau trawsbleidiol ar adrodd a thryloywder. Felly, mae cyngor ar gael i Aelodau. Fel sy'n digwydd yn aml, nid fi yw'r person gorau i roi'r cyngor hwnnw. Mae yna bobl sy'n gallu gwneud hynny'n uniongyrchol i chi. Rwy'n eich cyfeirio at y cyfarwyddyd a'r gefnogaeth i Aelodau a'r Swyddfa Gyflwyno.
Diolch i'r Llywydd.
Thank you, Llywydd.
Eitem 4 yw'r cwestiynau amserol. Un cwestiwn yn unig, gan Siân Gwenllian.
Item 4 is the topical questions. There is one question today, from Siân Gwenllian.
1. A wnaiff yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet ddarparu datganiad ar Consumer Energy Solutions yn mynd i ddwylo'r gweinyddwyr? TQ1425
1. Will the Cabinet Secretary make a statement on Consumer Energy Solutions entering administration? TQ1425
We're in contact with the Department for Energy Security and Net Zero and Ofgem to ensure that households impacted by the ECO closure receive quality retrofit projects, including those whose initial installers are no longer trading. Alongside our partners, Jobcentre Plus, Working Wales, local authorities and TUC Cymru, we will support CES staff through this difficult time.
Rydym mewn cysylltiad â'r Adran Diogeledd Ynni a Sero Net ac Ofgem i sicrhau bod aelwydydd yr effeithir arnynt gan gau'r cwmni ECO yn cael prosiectau ôl-osod o safon, gan gynnwys y rhai lle nad yw eu gosodwyr gwreiddiol bellach yn masnachu. Ochr yn ochr â'n partneriaid, Canolfan Byd Gwaith, Cymru'n Gweithio, awdurdodau lleol a TUC Cymru, byddwn yn cefnogi staff CES drwy'r cyfnod anodd hwn.
Diolch yn fawr. Mae bron i 300 o bobl wedi colli eu swyddi, heb rybudd, yn sgil y newyddion fod Consumer Energy Solutions wedi mynd i ddwylo'r gweinyddwyr. Mae hyn yn newyddion hynod anodd ar gyfer y gweithwyr a'u teuluoedd, a dwi yn mawr obeithio, fel rydych chi'n amlinellu, fod yna gymorth yn cael ei roi iddyn nhw yn ystod y cyfnod anodd a phryderus yma.
Mae'r newyddion hefyd, wrth gwrs, yn anodd ac yn bryderus i'r aelwydydd hynny sydd wedi cael ei gadael yn sydyn efo gwaith ar ei hanner neu efo gwaith sydd yn is-safonol, ac maen nhw eisiau gwybod sut maen nhw i unioni'r problemau hynny rŵan fod y cwmni ddim ar gael. Mae fy nghyd-Aelod yn San Steffan, Liz Saville Roberts, yn delio efo nifer fawr o achosion o'r math yna yn ei hetholaeth hi. Felly, pa drafodaethau ydych chi'n eu cael efo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig am sut i sicrhau y bydd y gwaith ddechreuwyd gan CES yn cael ei gwblhau, fod y gwaith adfer sydd ei angen ar rai tai yn digwydd, neu fod pobl yn derbyn yr iawndal maen nhw yn ei haeddu?
Mae yna enghreifftiau cwbl annerbyniol o bobl yn byw heb wres a heb ddŵr. Ac mae'n rhaid i ni gofio bod y rhain ymhlith y bobl fwyaf bregus yn ein cymdeithas ni. Beth all y Llywodraeth ei wneud i gefnogi unigolion a theuluoedd sydd wedi cael eu effeithio? Mae Plaid Cymru yn galw am ymchwiliad i'r holl sefyllfa. Ydy Llywodraeth Cymru yn ystyried cynnal ymchwiliad, neu a fedrwch chi bwyso am ymchwiliad gan gorff megis y swyddfa cyfrifo cenedlaethol?
Mae ECO4 yn dod i ben heb y sicrwydd o gynlluniau amgen yn rhoi pwysau enfawr ar bob busnes yn y maes yma hefyd. Felly, sut ydych chi'n mynd i fynd ati i ailadeiladu hyder yn y gymuned fusnes ac ymhlith y cyhoedd fel bod buddsoddi yn parhau i ddigwydd i ddatblygu'r sgiliau a'r cadwyni cyflenwyr lleol sydd eu hangen i gyflawni rhaglenni ôl-ffitio Llywodraeth Cymru?
Thank you very much. Nearly 300 people have lost their jobs, without any notice, following the news that Consumer Energy Solutions has entered administration. This is extremely difficult news for the workers and their families, and I really do hope, as you said, that every form of support is being provided to them during this very difficult and concerning time.
The news is also extremely worrying for those households that have been suddenly left with work that is half-finished or with work that is substandard. They want to know how they can rectify those problems now that the company is no longer available. My fellow Member in Westminster, Liz Saville Roberts, is dealing with a great number of cases of this kind in her constituency. So, what discussions are you having with the UK Government about how to ensure that the work that was started by CES will be completed, that the remedial work that some homes need will be undertaken, or that people will receive the compensation that they deserve?
There are entirely unacceptable examples of people living without heat or without water, and we must remember that these are some of the most vulnerable people in our society. So, what can the Welsh Government do to support individuals and families who have been affected? Plaid Cymru is calling for an inquiry into the whole situation. Is the Welsh Government considering holding an inquiry, or could you press for an investigation by a body such as the National Audit Office?
ECO4 coming to an end without the assurance of alternative plans puts huge pressure on every business in this area as well. So, how are you going to rebuild confidence in the business community and among the public so that there is investment still happening in developing the skills and the local supply chains that are needed to deliver the Welsh Government's retrofit programmes?
Clearly, this will be a really concerning and worrying time for the almost 300 staff who have been made redundant by Consumer Energy Solutions on Friday. We have put steps in place already to support them in finding alternative employment or retraining opportunities. As I mentioned, we do work really closely with partners, including Jobcentre Plus, the local authorities, Working Wales, and TUC Cymru to make sure that people have all the information, advice, support and guidance that they need about what's available to them.
Officials in the Welsh Government have directly contacted the appointed administrators, KR8 Advisory Ltd, to arrange for details of our support to be made available to the individual staff members. Welsh Government officials have also met with the directors of City Energy Group. Yesterday, they confirmed that almost all of the affected staff are based in the Swansea area. For the approximately 60 staff employed in that contact centre, we will be working with Cnect Cymru to find alternative opportunities for them.
We are also really aware of all of the quality issues that have been drawn to our attention. Actually, there was an audit in 2025, and the audit of solid wall insulation works carried out through the ECO scheme highlighted extremely high levels of poor workmanship. The UK Government did take some immediate action. They suspended some of the worst performing installers and offered every household a survey of their property to identify any issues that needed rectifying. Installers are required to carry out that work at their own cost.
We don't have details at the moment of the level of complaints or remediation works associated with CES, but given the size of the activity under ECO, we do expect that there will be outstanding complaints. We have heard some examples, and many of us will have read about those examples also in the press. We know that there are cases where the work has not been resolved. We have raised specific cases with the UK Government and with Ofgem, and we are waiting for confirmation now of the scale involved and any proactive communications that are being undertaken with those households.
All ECO4 work and Great British Insulation Scheme work should be covered by a guarantee. Whilst most refer to the scenario where the installer has ceased to trade, some do allow for failure to rectify, and impacted households should approach the relevant guarantee provider for support within the bounds of the policy. Also, just to add, all measures installed under the current ECO scheme are covered by a guarantee, and those guarantee providers are reviewed and approved by the financial protection panel.
Yn amlwg, bydd hwn yn amser pryderus iawn i'r bron i 300 o staff a gafodd eu diswyddo gan Consumer Energy Solutions ddydd Gwener. Rydym wedi rhoi camau ar waith eisoes i'w cefnogi i ddod o hyd i gyfleoedd cyflogaeth amgen neu ailhyfforddiant. Fel y soniais, rydym yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda phartneriaid, gan gynnwys Canolfan Byd Gwaith, yr awdurdodau lleol, Cymru'n Gweithio, a TUC Cymru i sicrhau bod pobl yn cael yr holl wybodaeth, y cyngor, y gefnogaeth a'r arweiniad sydd eu hangen arnynt am yr hyn sydd ar gael iddynt.
Mae swyddogion yn Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cysylltu'n uniongyrchol â'r gweinyddwyr penodedig, KR8 Advisory Ltd, i drefnu bod manylion ein cymorth ar gael i'r aelodau staff unigol. Mae swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru hefyd wedi cyfarfod â chyfarwyddwyr City Energy Group. Ddoe, fe wnaethant gadarnhau bod bron bob un o'r staff yr effeithir arnynt wedi'u lleoli yn ardal Abertawe. Ar gyfer y tua 60 o staff sy'n cael eu cyflogi yn y ganolfan gyswllt honno, byddwn yn gweithio gyda Cnect Cymru i ddod o hyd i gyfleoedd amgen iddynt.
Rydym hefyd yn ymwybodol iawn o'r holl faterion ansawdd sydd wedi'u dwyn i'n sylw. Mewn gwirionedd, cafwyd archwiliad yn 2025, ac roedd yr archwiliad o waith inswleiddio waliau solet a gynhaliwyd trwy'r cynllun ECO yn tynnu sylw at lefelau uchel iawn o waith gwael. Rhoddodd Llywodraeth y DU gamau ar waith ar unwaith. Fe wnaethant atal rhai o'r gosodwyr sy'n perfformio waethaf a chynnig arolwg o'u heiddo i bob cartref i nodi unrhyw broblemau sydd angen eu cywiro. Mae'n ofynnol i osodwyr wneud y gwaith hwnnw ar eu cost eu hunain.
Nid oes gennym fanylion ar hyn o bryd am lefel y cwynion neu'r gwaith adfer sy'n gysylltiedig â CES, ond o ystyried maint y gweithgaredd o dan ECO, rydym yn disgwyl y bydd cwynion eraill yn codi. Rydym wedi clywed am rai enghreifftiau, a bydd llawer ohonom wedi darllen am yr enghreifftiau hynny yn y wasg. Gwyddom fod yna achosion lle nad yw'r gwaith wedi'i ddatrys. Rydym wedi codi achosion penodol gyda Llywodraeth y DU a chydag Ofgem, ac rydym yn aros am gadarnhad nawr o'r raddfa ac unrhyw gyfathrebiadau rhagweithiol sydd ar y gweill gyda'r aelwydydd hynny.
Dylai holl waith ECO4 a gwaith Cynllun Inswleiddio Prydain ddod o dan warant. Er bod y mwyafrif o achosion yn cyfeirio at senario lle mae'r gosodwr wedi rhoi'r gorau i fasnachu, mae rhai'n caniatáu ar gyfer methiant i gywiro, a dylai aelwydydd yr effeithir arnynt gysylltu â'r darparwr gwarant perthnasol am gymorth o fewn terfynau'r polisi. Hefyd, os caf ychwanegu, mae'r holl fesurau sydd wedi'u gosod o dan y cynllun ECO presennol o dan warant, a chaiff darparwyr y warant eu hadolygu a'u cymeradwyo gan y panel diogelu ariannol.
My heart obviously goes out to all those people in CES who have lost their jobs. Cabinet Secretary, I have a constituent who has been without water now, or heating, for two weeks. That work is still ongoing. It is not work that has been completed, so I'm not quite sure how this assurance scheme is going to help her. She is extremely short of money, hence why she accessed this scheme. What work is the Welsh Government doing, talking to the UK Government, to make sure that some financial assistance is put in place for all our constituents who are going to be affected by this problem?
Rwy'n amlwg yn cydymdeimlo â'r holl bobl hynny yn CES sydd wedi colli eu swyddi. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae gennyf etholwr sydd wedi bod heb ddŵr neu wresogi ers pythefnos. Mae'r gwaith hwnnw'n dal i fynd rhagddo. Nid yw'n waith sydd wedi'i gwblhau, felly nid wyf yn hollol siŵr sut y mae'r cynllun gwarantu'n mynd i'w helpu hi. Mae hi'n brin iawn o arian, a dyna pam ei bod wedi defnyddio'r cynllun hwn. Pa waith y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud, trwy siarad â Llywodraeth y DU, i wneud yn siŵr fod rhywfaint o gymorth ariannol yn cael ei roi ar waith i'n holl etholwyr sy'n mynd i gael eu heffeithio gan y broblem hon?
My colleagues Jayne Bryant and Jane Hutt have together been raising this directly with the UK Government. They have been making the case that the implication for households in Wales is disproportionate given the level of ECO activity that was being undertaken here, precisely for the reasons that have been set out in terms of more households being in need of that work.
We have made it clear to the UK Government that they and Ofgem need to consider and communicate how households in the variety of situations will be supported, and how they can reach out for that support. Our officials have been in touch with UK Government officials and have agreed to share the various scenarios that colleagues have been raising with us. We need to receive a response that we can share across teams and also with our Nest advice service providers, so that we can address any of those specific concerns that are being raised.
Mae fy nghyd-Aelodau Jayne Bryant a Jane Hutt gyda'i gilydd wedi bod yn codi hyn yn uniongyrchol gyda Llywodraeth y DU. Maent wedi bod yn gwneud yr achos fod y goblygiadau i aelwydydd yng Nghymru yn anghymesur o ystyried lefel y gweithgarwch ECO a oedd yn cael ei wneud yma, am yr union resymau a nodir o ran bod mwy o aelwydydd angen y gwaith hwnnw.
Rydym wedi dweud yn glir wrth Lywodraeth y DU fod angen iddynt hwy ac Ofgem ystyried a chyfathrebu sut y bydd aelwydydd yn yr amrywiaeth o sefyllfaoedd yn cael eu cefnogi, a sut y gallant ofyn am y cymorth hwnnw. Mae ein swyddogion wedi bod mewn cysylltiad â swyddogion Llywodraeth y DU ac wedi cytuno i rannu'r gwahanol senarios y mae cyd-Aelodau wedi bod yn eu dwyn i'n sylw. Mae angen i ni gael ymateb y gallwn ei rannu ar draws y timau a chyda'n darparwyr gwasanaeth cyngor Nyth, fel y gallwn fynd i'r afael ag unrhyw bryderon penodol sy'n cael eu codi.
Consumer Energy Solutions entering administration has come as a great shock to their employees. There is a Swansea firm, fortunately, that is interested in employing some of the staff. Working with the local MPs, I have made the jobcentre aware of the firm and the skills mix they are looking for. I have also written to you, Cabinet Secretary, at least twice, asking what support the Government is able to provide to those who are not going to be picked up by the firm who are interested in employing people from there. Can you provide an update on the support that is able to be provided for the staff who aren't going to be employed by the other local firm that is interested, but who are seriously concerned about their futures?
Mae'r ffaith bod Consumer Energy Solutions yn mynd i ddwylo'r gweinyddwyr wedi bod yn sioc fawr i'w gweithwyr. Yn ffodus, mae gan gwmni o Abertawe ddiddordeb mewn cyflogi rhai o'r staff. Gan weithio gyda'r ASau lleol, rwyf wedi rhoi gwybod i'r ganolfan waith am y cwmni a'r cymysgedd sgiliau y mae'n chwilio amdano. Rwyf hefyd wedi ysgrifennu atoch chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, o leiaf ddwywaith, yn gofyn pa gefnogaeth y gall y Llywodraeth ei ddarparu i'r rhai na chânt eu cyflogi gan y cwmni sydd â diddordeb mewn cyflogi pobl oddi yno. A allwch chi roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am y cymorth y gellir ei ddarparu i'r staff na chânt eu cyflogi gan y cwmni lleol arall sydd â diddordeb, ond sy'n poeni'n ddirfawr am eu dyfodol?
I did mention that, of the 300 staff, around 60 are employed in the contact centre. We're working with Cnect Cymru to try and find those individuals alternative employment—Cnect Cymru being the employer forum representing pan-industry contact centres, having done so for 20 years. They'll be really important partners for those 60 members of staff.
For the approximately 40 surveyors and 200 installers, we're collecting further details on specific roles and skills so that they can then be matched with local employers—thank you very much for sharing that information about the local employer that you're familiar with—including employers in the social housing sector and businesses in the retrofit sector. Officials are organising an event to bring impacted staff members together with potential employers. Of course, we'll update local Members when that has been arranged.
Soniais fod tua 60 o'r 300 o staff yn cael eu cyflogi yn y ganolfan gyswllt. Rydym yn gweithio gyda Cnect Cymru i geisio dod o hyd i gyflogaeth amgen i'r unigolion hynny—Cnect Cymru yw'r fforwm cyflogwyr sy'n cynrychioli canolfannau cyswllt pan-ddiwydiant, ac sydd wedi bod yn gwneud hynny ers 20 mlynedd. Byddant yn bartneriaid pwysig iawn i'r 60 aelod staff hynny.
Ar gyfer y tua 40 o syrfewyr a 200 o osodwyr, rydym yn casglu rhagor o fanylion am rolau a sgiliau penodol fel y gellir eu paru â chyflogwyr lleol—diolch yn fawr am rannu'r wybodaeth am y cyflogwr lleol yr ydych chi'n gyfarwydd â nhw—gan gynnwys cyflogwyr yn y sector tai cymdeithasol a busnesau yn y sector ôl-osod. Mae swyddogion yn trefnu digwyddiad i ddod ag aelodau staff yr effeithir arnynt i gysylltiad â darpar gyflogwyr. Wrth gwrs, byddwn yn rhoi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau lleol pan fydd y digwyddiad wedi'i drefnu.
While the ECO scheme, of course, is not within the responsibility of the Welsh Government, its work, as you've identified, to reduce fuel poverty is most certainly impacted by the scrapping of this scheme. Following the announcement of the decision in November's budget, I raised this several times with the Welsh Government—with your colleagues the Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice and the Cabinet Secretary for housing—about the risk of the loss of jobs, of the loss of funding, which has been, to all extents and purposes, subsidising the level of investment made by the Welsh Government into its own fuel poverty schemes. Of course, there's the loss of vital skills that are needed into the future to support the tackling fuel poverty plan and the Warm Homes programme. I asked them whether they could confirm whether an impact assessment had been carried out about what that decision would mean for the Welsh Government's activities, but they were unable to confirm that. Is the Welsh Government now going to review the effectiveness of the Warm Homes programme and the levels of investment in it in the light of the closure of the ECO scheme?
I also have been contacted by constituents who are facing difficulties, of course, as a result of the sudden closure of Consumer Energy Solutions in Llansamlet. They're trying desperately to sort out the issues, with work carried out right in the middle of a cold snap. One constituent's heat pump stopped working over a week ago. They said that they were really surprised and concerned that this announcement in November had not allowed this company to formulate a timely exit strategy, which would have left fewer people—customers, staff and subcontractors—facing the difficulties we're discussing this afternoon.
Do you agree that the publication of the UK's Warm Homes plan, which has been pushed from late 2025 to early 2026—we're still waiting for it—has created this uncertainty for home owners and installers alike, and is causing job losses and disrupting supply chains? What action are you taking with your colleagues in Cabinet and in Westminster to mitigate this?
Er nad yw'r cynllun ECO'n gyfrifoldeb i Lywodraeth Cymru, mae ei waith ar leihau tlodi tanwydd, fel y nodoch chi, yn sicr yn cael ei effeithio gan ddileu'r cynllun hwn. Ar ôl cyhoeddi'r penderfyniad yng nghyllideb mis Tachwedd, codais hyn sawl gwaith gyda Llywodraeth Cymru—gyda'ch cyd-Aelodau, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyfiawnder Cymdeithasol ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros dai—am y risg o golli swyddi, colli cyllid, sydd wedi bod, i bob pwrpas, yn sybsideiddio lefel y buddsoddiad a wnaed gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn ei chynlluniau tlodi tanwydd ei hun. Wrth gwrs, fe gollir sgiliau hanfodol sydd eu hangen yn y dyfodol i gefnogi'r cynllun trechu tlodi tanwydd a'r rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd. Gofynnais iddynt a allent gadarnhau fod asesiad effaith wedi'i gynnal ar yr hyn y byddai'r penderfyniad hwnnw'n ei olygu i weithgareddau Llywodraeth Cymru, ond ni allent gadarnhau hynny. A yw Llywodraeth Cymru'n mynd i adolygu effeithiolrwydd y rhaglen Cartrefi Clyd nawr a'r lefelau o fuddsoddiad ynddi yng ngoleuni cau'r cynllun ECO?
Mae etholwyr wedi cysylltu â mi am eu bod yn wynebu anawsterau o ganlyniad i gau Consumer Energy Solutions yn Llansamlet yn ddirybudd. Maent yn gwneud eu gorau i ddatrys y problemau, gyda'r gwaith yn cael ei wneud mewn cyfnod o dywydd oer. Torrodd pwmp gwres un etholwr dros wythnos yn ôl. Roeddent yn synnu ac yn bryderus nad oedd y cyhoeddiad hwn ym mis Tachwedd wedi caniatáu i'r cwmni hwn lunio strategaeth ymadael amserol, a fyddai wedi golygu bod llai o bobl—cwsmeriaid, staff ac isgontractwyr—yn wynebu'r anawsterau a drafodir gennym y prynhawn yma.
A ydych chi'n cytuno mai cyhoeddi cynllun Cartrefi Cynnes y DU, sydd wedi'i wthio ymlaen o ddiwedd 2025 i ddechrau 2026—rydym yn dal i aros amdano—sydd wedi creu'r ansicrwydd hwn i berchnogion tai a gosodwyr fel ei gilydd, a'i fod yn achosi i swyddi gael eu colli ac yn tarfu ar gadwyni cyflenwi? Pa gamau rydych chi'n eu cymryd gyda'ch cyd-Aelodau yn y Cabinet a'ch cymheiriaid yn San Steffan i liniaru hyn?
The Cabinet Secretary for Housing and Local Government and the Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice have both been liaising with the UK Government, and they've been really clear with them that the experience on the ground is that work has just stopped in people's houses. There are so many unresolved complaints, incomplete certificates, outstanding remediation jobs and contracts that haven't even yet started. They've been really clear that this has left so many households—many of which do have vulnerable residents—really stressed and anxious. We've been asking the UK Government to be more clear about the support that's available to those households and how and when they will be contacted, so that they can understand what the next steps are and what their rights are under the terms of the scheme.
Also, one of the important points we've been raising with the UK Government is about what actions Ofgem is being asked to take to regulate the businesses involved in ECO to ensure that they are delivering work of acceptable quality and not exiting the market with large profits, leaving a trail of unfinished work and households in limbo and distress behind them. Again, that's something that my colleagues are raising directly with Ofgem, as well as through the UK Government.
In terms of our own support, clearly, we are concerned about fuel poverty here in Wales. One of the things that we are trying to do, of course, is maximising incomes and putting money back into people's pockets. That's a priority for us. Colleagues will be familiar with the work to support energy initiatives, including the £13 million a year in the Warm Homes Nest scheme, but also the £7 million to the Fuel Bank Foundation, which we have given since 2022, helping prepayment customers who are at risk of disconnection. So, in terms of that wider question around fuel poverty, we're encouraging people to contact Advicelink Cymru, to make sure that they're getting all of the support that they need, and that they are then able to be signposted to potential ongoing support through the energy poverty alleviation schemes.
Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Dai a Llywodraeth Leol ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Gyfiawnder Cymdeithasol ill dwy wedi bod yn cysylltu â Llywodraeth y DU, ac maent wedi dweud yn glir iawn wrthynt mai'r profiad ar lawr gwlad yw bod gwaith newydd ddod i ben yn nhai pobl. Mae cymaint o gwynion heb eu datrys, tystysgrifau anghyflawn, gwaith adfer heb ei orffen a chontractau heb ddechrau eto hyd yn oed. Maent wedi dweud yn glir iawn fod hyn wedi gadael cymaint o aelwydydd—llawer ohonynt â phreswylwyr agored i niwed—dan straen ac yn bryderus iawn. Rydym wedi bod yn gofyn i Lywodraeth y DU fod yn fwy clir ynglŷn â'r cymorth sydd ar gael i'r aelwydydd hynny a sut a phryd y byddant yn cysylltu â nhw, fel y gallant ddeall beth yw'r camau nesaf a beth yw eu hawliau o dan delerau'r cynllun.
Hefyd, un o'r pwyntiau pwysig y buom yn eu codi gyda Llywodraeth y DU yw pa gamau y gofynnir i Ofgem eu cymryd i reoleiddio'r busnesau sy'n gysylltiedig ag ECO i sicrhau eu bod yn cyflawni gwaith o ansawdd derbyniol ac nad ydynt yn gadael y farchnad gydag elw mawr, gan adael llwybr o waith anorffenedig ac aelwydydd mewn limbo a gofid ar eu holau. Unwaith eto, mae hynny'n rhywbeth y mae fy nghyd-Aelodau'n ei godi'n uniongyrchol gydag Ofgem, yn ogystal â thrwy Lywodraeth y DU.
O ran ein cefnogaeth ein hunain, yn amlwg, rydym yn pryderu am dlodi tanwydd yma yng Nghymru. Un o'r pethau yr ydym yn ceisio'i wneud, wrth gwrs, yw gwella incwm a rhoi arian yn ôl ym mhocedi pobl. Mae honno'n flaenoriaeth i ni. Bydd cyd-Aelodau'n gyfarwydd â'r gwaith ar gefnogi mentrau ynni, gan gynnwys y £13 miliwn y flwyddyn yng nghynllun Nyth Cartrefi Clyd, ond hefyd y £7 miliwn i'r Sefydliad Banc Tanwydd, a roddwyd gennym ers 2022, i helpu cwsmeriaid ar fesuryddion rhagdalu sydd mewn perygl o gael eu datgysylltu. Felly, ar gwestiwn ehangach tlodi tanwydd, rydym yn annog pobl i gysylltu ag Advicelink Cymru, i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn cael yr holl gymorth sydd ei angen arnynt, a bod modd eu cyfeirio wedyn at gymorth parhaus posib drwy'r cynlluniau lliniaru tlodi ynni.
A Heledd Fychan.
And Heledd Fychan.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I appreciate the fact that you've mentioned today that you're not sure of the scale of the problem, so my question is how you're ascertaining the scale of the problem. Because I've had constituents contact me, and they're still contacting me at the moment—for instance, a 66-year-old constituent with health problems with no heating for a week. A lot of people are still not aware that the work done was related to the scheme. Many people are not on social media, or may not have seen the news, to know where to turn to. These are often the most vulnerable people in our communities. So, I appreciate what you've said about the workforce, and I would like further details in terms of how you're supporting them, but with those constituents in mind, which we've heard many examples of today, there are so many more out there that I'm concerned are not being represented or supported. So, how can we ensure that everybody who's facing difficulties because of the collapse of this scheme, and specifically what's happening, leaving them without heating at this point in time—? How are we ensuring that they're getting that support as quickly as possible, and that everybody affected—that we know who they are?
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r ffaith eich bod wedi dweud heddiw nad ydych yn siŵr o faint y broblem, felly fy nghwestiwn yw sut ydych chi'n canfod beth yw maint y broblem. Oherwydd mae etholwyr wedi cysylltu â mi, ac maent yn dal i gysylltu â mi ar hyn o bryd—er enghraifft, etholwr 66 oed â phroblemau iechyd heb wres am wythnos. Mae llawer o bobl o hyd nad ydynt yn ymwybodol fod y gwaith a wnaed yn gysylltiedig â'r cynllun. Mae llawer o bobl nad ydynt ar y cyfryngau cymdeithasol, neu efallai nad ydynt wedi gweld y newyddion, i wybod ble i droi. Yn aml, y rhain yw'r bobl fwyaf agored i niwed yn ein cymunedau. Felly, rwy'n deall yr hyn rydych chi wedi'i ddweud am y gweithlu, a hoffwn gael rhagor o fanylion ynglŷn â sut rydych chi'n eu cefnogi, ond gyda'r etholwyr hynny mewn golwg, rydym wedi clywed llawer o enghreifftiau ohonynt heddiw, mae cymaint mwy allan yno yr wyf yn pryderu nad ydynt yn cael eu cynrychioli na'u cefnogi. Felly, sut y gallwn sicrhau bod pawb sy'n wynebu anawsterau oherwydd methiant y cynllun hwn, ac yn benodol yr hyn sy'n digwydd, gan eu gadael heb wres ar hyn o bryd—? Sut y mae sicrhau eu bod yn cael y cymorth hwnnw cyn gynted â phosib, a bod pawb yr effeithir arnynt—ein bod yn gwybod pwy ydynt?
Thank you. On that point about understanding the potential scale of the impact on households and businesses, officials have been doing work with the UK Government on that, understanding the number of households who have accessed the eco-installations. We understand that it is well above our population share, if you like, of installations, given what I said earlier about the relative level of need here in Wales. So, we are understanding that. But one of the things that my colleagues are pursuing with the UK Government is how they are, and what their plans are for, engaging directly with each of those individual households that have been affected, so that they understand the route that's available to them, but also what their rights are as well. I think that information needs to be provided in a user-friendly kind of way as well, because this is a complex area, and people wouldn't have been expecting to have to deal with guarantees and so on when they agreed for this work to be done.
We're also concerned about the wider impact on subcontractors and suppliers. So, we will make every effort to contact those businesses once we're clear about where the supply chains are and what they look like. There are the two warehouses—in Treorchy and, of course, up in Bangor. We know that there are fewer than 10 employees in each of those locations, but officials will be alerting those staff members also about the support that's on offer.
Diolch. Ar y pwynt hwnnw ynglŷn â deall beth yw maint posib yr effaith ar aelwydydd a busnesau, mae swyddogion wedi bod yn gweithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar hynny, a deall nifer yr aelwydydd sydd wedi cael mynediad at y gosodiadau eco. Rydym yn deall ei fod ymhell uwchlaw ein cyfran o'r boblogaeth, os mynnwch, o osodiadau, o ystyried yr hyn a ddywedais yn gynharach am y lefel gymharol o angen yma yng Nghymru. Felly, rydym yn deall hynny. Ond un o'r pethau y mae fy nghyd-Aelodau yn mynd ar eu trywydd gyda Llywodraeth y DU yw sut y maent yn ymgysylltu, a beth yw eu cynlluniau ar gyfer ymgysylltu'n uniongyrchol â phob un o'r aelwydydd sydd wedi'u heffeithio, fel eu bod yn deall y llwybr sydd ar gael iddynt, ond hefyd beth yw eu hawliau. Credaf fod angen darparu'r wybodaeth honno mewn ffordd sy'n hawdd ei deall hefyd, gan fod hwn yn faes cymhleth, ac ni fyddai pobl wedi disgwyl gorfod delio â gwarantau ac ati wrth gytuno i'r gwaith gael ei wneud.
Rydym hefyd yn pryderu am yr effaith ehangach ar is-gontractwyr a chyflenwyr. Felly, byddwn yn gwneud pob ymdrech i gysylltu â'r busnesau hynny pan fyddwn yn deall ble mae'r cadwyni cyflenwi a sut olwg sydd arnynt. Mae gennych y ddau warws—yn Nhreorci, ac i fyny ym Mangor. Gwyddom fod llai na 10 o weithwyr ym mhob un o'r lleoliadau hynny, ond bydd swyddogion yn hysbysu'r aelodau staff hynny hefyd am y cymorth sydd ar gael.
Diolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet.
I thank the Cabinet Secretary.
Eitem 5 yw'r datganiadau 90 eiliad. Galwaf ar John Griffiths.
Item 5 is the 90-second statements. I call on John Griffiths.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. This week marks Less Survivable Cancers Awareness Week here in Wales, highlighting a long-standing and urgent challenge in our cancer outcomes. Cancers of the brain, lung, liver, oesophagus, pancreas and stomach account for around 40 per cent of all common cancer deaths, yet they receive less than one-fifth of Government-funded cancer research in the UK. In Wales the impact of this imbalance is stark. More than half of people diagnosed with a less survivable cancer will die within a year of diagnosis. Insufficient research investment contributes to later diagnosis, fewer treatment options and limited access to clinical trials, creating a cycle that continues to cost lives. That is why addressing the research funding gap for less survivable cancers is essential if we are serious about improving survival and outcomes for patients in Wales. It is crucial that we do all we can to allow this vital research to happen and consider what further action might be taken by the Welsh Government, working with UK partners, to help close this gap and save lives.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Yr wythnos hon yw Wythnos Ymwybyddiaeth Canserau Llai Goroesadwy yma yng Nghymru, i dynnu sylw at yr her hirsefydlog a dwys yn ein canlyniadau canser. Canserau'r ymennydd, yr ysgyfaint, yr afu, yr oesoffagws, y pancreas a'r stumog sy'n gyfrifol am oddeutu 40 y cant o'r holl farwolaethau canser cyffredin, ond un rhan o bump o'r arian ymchwil canser a ariennir gan y Llywodraeth yn y DU a gânt. Yng Nghymru, mae effaith yr anghydbwysedd hwn yn amlwg. Bydd mwy na hanner y bobl sy'n cael diagnosis o ganser llai goroesadwy yn marw o fewn blwyddyn i'r diagnosis. Mae buddsoddiad ymchwil annigonol yn cyfrannu at ddiagnosis diweddarach, llai o opsiynau triniaeth a mynediad cyfyngedig at dreialon clinigol, gan greu cylch sy'n parhau i gostio bywydau. Dyna pam fod mynd i'r afael â'r bwlch cyllid ymchwil ar gyfer canserau llai goroesadwy yn hanfodol os ydym o ddifrif ynglŷn â gwella cyfraddau goroesi a chanlyniadau i gleifion yng Nghymru. Mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn gwneud popeth yn ein gallu i alluogi'r ymchwil hanfodol hon ac yn ystyried pa gamau pellach y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru eu cymryd, gan weithio gyda phartneriaid ar lefel y DU, i helpu i gau'r bwlch hwn ac achub bywydau.
Eitem 6 heddiw yw'r ddadl ar ddeiseb P-06-1555, 'Adolygu’r holl ganllawiau ar gludiant rhwng y cartref a’r ysgol ar gyfer Cymru gyfan. Mynediad am ddim at addysg'. A galwaf ar Gadeirydd y pwyllgor i wneud y cynnig—Carolyn Thomas.
Item 6 today is a debate on petition P-06-1555, 'To review all guidance on Home to School Transport for all of Wales. Free access to an education'. And I call on the Chair of the committee to move the motion—Carolyn Thomas.
Cynnig NDM9101 Carolyn Thomas
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
Yn nodi’r ddeiseb P-06-1555, 'Adolygu’r holl ganllawiau ar gludiant rhwng y cartref a’r ysgol ar gyfer Cymru gyfan. Mynediad am ddim at addysg.', a gasglodd 11,790 o lofnodion.
Motion NDM9101 Carolyn Thomas
To propose that the Senedd:
Notes the petition P-06-1555, 'To review all guidance on Home to School Transport for all of Wales. Free access to an education', which received 11,790 signatures.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch. Petition P-06-1555, 'To review all guidance on Home to School Transport for all of Wales. Free access to an education'. Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. On behalf of the Petitions Committee, I'd like to thank you for the opportunity to introduce this debate today. This petition was submitted by Tina Collins, having collected a total of 11,790 signatures. The petitioners have been campaigning to raise awareness of problems with school transport in Rhondda Cynon Taf, but this is an issue affecting school students and families across Wales. I therefore welcome the Business Committee deciding to extend the time allocated to this debate to an hour, to allow sufficient time for Members across the Siambr to contribute to it.
The text of petition reads:
'All Children attending an education should be able to attend a school or college without any struggle.
'Our streets are no longer safe to walk on their own, especially those who are under 19 years of age.
'With NO direct transport for an education for those who even HAVE to attend until their last day in year 11. These students struggle through underlying illness, hidden illness, or even undiagnosed.
'The students who live in poverty and struggle to even travel on a public bus.'
The petitioners stress the importance of home-to-school transport, or learner travel, as it is described in the legislation, for children preparing for their GCSEs and A-levels.
They gave the example of a year 8 student whose journey on foot was an hour and 10 minutes each way:
'He has no underlying illnesses and plays sport after school. Carrying 6kg in his backpack and coat.
'After this journey he complained of sore feet, his shoulders hurt and felt exhausted.
'This is before a 6 hour day and in cool dry weather conditions.
'There is no storage for spare clothes or even a dry room to dry clothes.'
The petitioners say absenteeism will rise, noting that improving school attendance is a key priority of the Welsh Government. They highlight the negative impact of more cars on the roads, and the pressures on parents and carers to get their children to and from school by private transport when there is a lack of, or inadequate, public transport. That is only a realistic option for parents who have access to a vehicle, can transport all their children to their various schools, and are able to take the time necessary without it impacting on working hours, employment and family income. Although the petitioners welcome the £1 bus fare, they have also highlighted some issues with inconsistent implementation.
Safety concerns were also raised a lot in the results of a survey of students and parents that were provided to us by the campaigners—both road safety and personal safety—not least due to the unique geography of Wales, but also for many other reasons. It is often the case that the only alternative to a school bus is to walk.
The petitioners highlight the particular difficulties for students with additional learning needs and those struggling with anxiety.
Affordability is a key issue here. The impact on people in deprived areas of Wales struggling with the cost of living is particularly important to recognise. That is set against the financial challenges for local authorities of trying to provide adequate school transport provision. The petitioners' survey showed an expectation of 90 per cent of the 565 students wanting a direct bus to education.
The petition was considered by the committee alongside a second petition, which is petition P-06-1533, 'Review and update Provisions 2-10 of The Learner Travel Measure (Wales) 2008', which was submitted by Rebecca Smart and collected 2,185 signatures. And that petition states:
'We, the undersigned, request the Welsh Government to review and update provisions 2-10 of the Learner Travel Measure (Wales) 2008. Namely, local authorities’ duty to assess learner travel needs and transport arrangements, including travel limits. Post-16 and nursery education travel. Equality in travel arrangements and promotion of the Welsh Language.
'In 2021, Welsh ministers committed to reviewing the Measure, highlighting the issues; however, it remains unchanged.'
In discussing both petitions, the Petitions Committee acknowledged the strong feelings surrounding the issue, particularly its impact on faith schools, Welsh-medium schools and pupils from low-income families. Members noted that, although the matter has previously been examined by the Children, Young People and Education Committee, and was raised during a short debate last October led by Heledd Fychan, concerns remain. Recognising the significance of this issue for families, the committee agreed to request today’s debate.
We know that the Cabinet Secretary for Education is fully aware of the strength of feeling about learner travel, and her response highlighted the work that has been going on to review and revise the guidance, including the consultation that ran from last June until the end of November to help inform the process and the learner travel summit that was held with representative bodies last May to discuss the challenges and practical solutions for improving learner travel in Wales.
The Cabinet Secretary’s response included the report of the travel summit, outlining work streams established to take forward recommendations, and the Cabinet Secretary also noted her commitment to a follow-up event early this year. In addition to the concerns raised by the petitioners themselves, the summit report also raised issues around the financial challenges and high costs associated with school transport.
Lack of consistency seems to be a big theme: inconsistency in policy and practice between local authorities; inconsistency in transport provider costs and fares; a disproportionate impact for refugees and asylum seekers and those travelling further to access Welsh-medium education. The fact that problems with school transport are affecting student choices for post-16 study is another big area of concern. The report highlights the need for much better partnership working between local authorities and also identifies opportunities to make improvements, with case studies of effective actions and interventions.
The Cabinet Secretary wanted to reassure the committee that she is listening, and sees this as a priority area for increasing partnership working between all delivery partners, including our local authorities, which are responsible for delivering learner transport provision to eligible learners.
Now, in responding to the Cabinet Secretary’s response, the petitioners argue:
'The current consultation on guidance suggests that it is reasonable for a 5 to 10 year old to walk 45 minutes one way to school, so potentially 90 minutes a day to and from school, and for a 11 to 19 year old to walk 75 minutes one way, so a total of 150 minutes a day to and from school. This is absurd, especially in winter when it is dark both in the mornings and evenings and also in wet weather. Many of the routes deemed safe are not safe in the eyes of pupils nor their parents, and it is clear—we would not expect adults to walk such distances and such routes to reach a place of work.'
It is important that we recognise the concerns that are being raised, including by the Children's Commissioner for Wales, and I look forward to Members' contributions today. I also look forward to then hearing more from the Cabinet Secretary about the work being done to improve matters. Thank you.
Diolch. Deiseb P-06-1555, 'Adolygu’r holl ganllawiau ar gludiant rhwng y cartref a’r ysgol ar gyfer Cymru gyfan. Mynediad am ddim at addysg'. Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Ar ran y Pwyllgor Deisebau, hoffwn ddiolch i chi am y cyfle i gyflwyno'r ddadl hon heddiw. Cyflwynwyd y ddeiseb hon gan Tina Collins, ar ôl casglu cyfanswm o 11,790 o lofnodion. Mae'r deisebwyr wedi bod yn ymgyrchu i godi ymwybyddiaeth o broblemau gyda chludiant i'r ysgol yn Rhondda Cynon Taf, ond mae hwn yn fater sy'n effeithio ar fyfyrwyr ysgol a theuluoedd ledled Cymru. Felly, rwy'n croesawu penderfyniad y Pwyllgor Busnes i ymestyn yr amser a neilltuwyd i'r ddadl hon i awr, er mwyn caniatáu digon o amser i Aelodau ar draws y Siambr gyfrannu ati.
Mae geiriad y ddeiseb yn nodi:
'Dylai pob plentyn sy’n cael addysg allu cyrraedd ysgol neu goleg yn gwbl ddi-drafferth.
'Nid yw ein strydoedd yn ddiogel i bobl ifanc dan 19 oed gerdded ar eu pennau eu hunain mwyach.
'Heb gludiant uniongyrchol ar gyfer addysg i’r rhai y mae RHAID iddynt hyd yn oed fynychu tan eu diwrnod olaf ym mlwyddyn 11. Mae’r myfyrwyr hyn yn brwydro drwy salwch isorweddol, salwch cudd, neu hyd yn oed salwch heb ddiagnosis.
'Y myfyrwyr sy’n byw mewn tlodi ac yn ei chael yn anodd teithio ar fws cyhoeddus hyd yn oed.'
Mae'r deisebwyr yn pwysleisio pwysigrwydd cludiant rhwng y cartref a’r ysgol, neu deithio gan ddysgwyr, fel y'i gelwir yn y ddeddfwriaeth, i blant sy'n paratoi ar gyfer eu harholiadau TGAU a Safon Uwch.
Rhoddasant enghraifft o fyfyriwr blwyddyn 8 a oedd yn gorfod teithio ar droed am awr a 10 munud bob ffordd:
'Nid oes ganddo salwch isorweddol ac mae’n cymryd rhan mewn chwaraeon ar ôl ysgol. Roedd yn cario 6kg yn ei fag cefn yn ogystal â’i gôt.
'Ar ôl y daith hon, cwynodd am draed dolurus, roedd ei ysgwyddau yn brifo ac roedd yn teimlo’n flinedig iawn.
'Roedd hyn cyn diwrnod 6 awr ac mewn tywydd oer a sych.
'Nid oes lle i gadw dillad sbâr na hyd yn oed ystafell sych i sychu dillad.'
Dywed y deisebwyr y bydd lefelau absenoldeb yn cynyddu, gan nodi bod gwella presenoldeb yn yr ysgol yn flaenoriaeth allweddol i Lywodraeth Cymru. Maent yn tynnu sylw at effaith negyddol mwy o geir ar y ffyrdd, a'r pwysau ar rieni a gofalwyr i fynd â'u plant i'r ysgol ac yn ôl drwy ddefnyddio trafnidiaeth breifat pan fo diffyg trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, neu pan fo'n annigonol. Nid yw hynny ond yn opsiwn realistig i rieni sydd â mynediad at gerbyd, sy'n gallu cludo eu holl blant i'w gwahanol ysgolion, ac sy'n gallu rhoi'r amser angenrheidiol heb iddo effeithio ar oriau gwaith, cyflogaeth ac incwm y teulu. Er bod y deisebwyr yn croesawu'r ffi bws o £1, maent hefyd wedi tynnu sylw at rai problemau gyda gweithredu anghyson.
Codwyd pryderon diogelwch yn aml hefyd yng nghanlyniadau arolwg o fyfyrwyr a rhieni a ddarparwyd i ni gan yr ymgyrchwyr—diogelwch ffyrdd a diogelwch personol—yn enwedig oherwydd daearyddiaeth unigryw Cymru, ond hefyd am lawer o resymau eraill. Yn aml, yr unig ddewis arall yn lle bws ysgol yw cerdded.
Mae'r deisebwyr yn tynnu sylw at yr anawsterau penodol i fyfyrwyr ag anghenion dysgu ychwanegol a'r rhai sy'n dioddef o orbryder.
Mae fforddiadwyedd yn fater allweddol yma. Mae'n arbennig o bwysig cydnabod yr effaith ar bobl mewn ardaloedd difreintiedig yng Nghymru sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd gyda chostau byw. Mae hynny'n cael ei osod yn erbyn yr heriau ariannol i awdurdodau lleol o geisio darparu cludiant digonol i'r ysgol. Dangosodd arolwg y deisebwyr ddisgwyliad y byddai 90 y cant o'r 565 o fyfyrwyr eisiau bws uniongyrchol i addysg.
Ystyriwyd y ddeiseb gan y pwyllgor ochr yn ochr ag ail ddeiseb, sef deiseb P-06-1533, 'Adolygu a diweddaru Darpariaethau 2-10 o Fesur Teithio gan Ddysgwyr (Cymru) 2008', a gyflwynwyd gan Rebecca Smart ac a gasglodd 2,185 o lofnodion. Ac mae'r ddeiseb honno'n nodi:
'Rydym ni, y rhai sydd wedi llofnodi isod, yn gofyn i Lywodraeth Cymru adolygu a diweddaru darpariaethau 2-10 o Fesur Teithio gan Ddysgwyr (Cymru) 2008. Sef, dyletswydd awdurdodau lleol i asesu anghenion teithio dysgwyr a threfniadau trafnidiaeth, gan gynnwys terfynau teithio. Teithio ôl-16 ac addysg feithrin. Cydraddoldeb mewn trefniadau teithio a hyrwyddo'r Gymraeg.'
'Yn 2021, ymrwymodd gweinidogion Cymru i adolygu'r Mesur, gan dynnu sylw at y problemau; fodd bynnag, nid yw wedi newid.'
Wrth drafod y ddwy ddeiseb, cydnabu'r Pwyllgor Deisebau y teimladau cryf ynghylch y mater, yn enwedig ei effaith ar ysgolion ffydd, ysgolion cyfrwng Cymraeg a disgyblion o deuluoedd incwm isel. Nododd yr aelodau, er bod y mater wedi'i archwilio o'r blaen gan y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg, ac wedi'i godi yn ystod dadl fer fis Hydref diwethaf dan arweiniad Heledd Fychan, fod pryderon yn parhau. I gydnabod pwysigrwydd y mater hwn i deuluoedd, cytunodd y pwyllgor i ofyn am ddadl heddiw.
Gwyddom fod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg yn gwbl ymwybodol o gryfder y teimladau ynghylch teithio gan ddysgwyr, a thynnodd ei hymateb sylw at y gwaith sydd wedi bod yn mynd rhagddo ar adolygu a diwygio'r canllawiau, gan gynnwys yr ymgynghoriad o fis Mehefin diwethaf tan ddiwedd mis Tachwedd i helpu i lywio'r broses a'r uwchgynhadledd teithio gan ddysgwyr a gynhaliwyd gyda chyrff cynrychioliadol fis Mai diwethaf i drafod yr heriau a'r atebion ymarferol ar gyfer gwella teithio gan ddysgwyr yng Nghymru.
Roedd ymateb Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn cynnwys adroddiad yr uwchgynhadledd teithio, yn amlinellu ffrydiau gwaith a sefydlwyd i weithredu ar argymhellion, a nododd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet hefyd ei hymrwymiad i ddigwyddiad dilynol yn gynnar eleni. Yn ogystal â'r pryderon a godwyd gan y deisebwyr eu hunain, cododd adroddiad yr uwchgynhadledd faterion hefyd ynghylch yr heriau ariannol a'r costau uchel sy'n gysylltiedig â chludiant i'r ysgol.
Ymddengys bod diffyg cysondeb yn thema fawr: anghysondeb mewn polisi ac ymarfer rhwng awdurdodau lleol; anghysondeb yng nghostau a phrisiau darparwyr trafnidiaeth; effaith anghymesur ar ffoaduriaid a cheiswyr lloches a'r rhai sy'n teithio ymhellach i gael mynediad at addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg. Mae'r ffaith bod problemau gyda chludiant i'r ysgol yn effeithio ar ddewisiadau myfyrwyr ar gyfer astudiaethau ôl-16 yn achos pryder mawr arall. Mae'r adroddiad yn tynnu sylw at yr angen am waith partneriaeth llawer gwell rhwng awdurdodau lleol ac mae hefyd yn nodi cyfleoedd i wneud gwelliannau, gydag astudiaethau achos o gamau gweithredu ac ymyriadau effeithiol.
Roedd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet eisiau rhoi sicrwydd i'r pwyllgor ei bod yn gwrando, ac yn ystyried hwn yn faes blaenoriaeth ar gyfer cynyddu gweithio mewn partneriaeth rhwng yr holl bartneriaid cyflawni, gan gynnwys ein hawdurdodau lleol, sy'n gyfrifol am ddarparu cludiant i ddysgwyr cymwys.
Nawr, wrth ymateb i ymateb Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae'r deisebwyr yn dadlau:
'Mae'r ymgynghoriad cyfredol ar y canllawiau'n awgrymu ei bod yn rhesymol i blentyn 5 i 10 oed gerdded 45 munud un ffordd i'r ysgol, felly 90 munud y dydd i'r ysgol ac yn ôl o bosib, ac i blentyn 11 i 19 oed gerdded 75 munud un ffordd, felly cyfanswm o 150 munud y dydd i'r ysgol ac yn ôl. Mae hyn yn hurt, yn enwedig yn y gaeaf pan fo'n dywyll yn y bore a chyda'r nos, a hefyd mewn tywydd gwlyb. Nid yw llawer o'r llwybrau y bernir eu bod yn ddiogel yn ddiogel yng ngolwg disgyblion na'u rhieni, ac mae'n amlwg—ni fyddem yn disgwyl i oedolion gerdded pellteroedd o'r fath a llwybrau o'r fath i gyrraedd eu gweithle.'
Mae'n bwysig ein bod yn cydnabod y pryderon sy'n cael eu codi, gan gynnwys gan Gomisiynydd Plant Cymru, ac edrychaf ymlaen at gyfraniadau'r Aelodau heddiw. Edrychaf ymlaen hefyd at glywed mwy gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedyn am y gwaith sy'n mynd rhagddo i wella'r sefyllfa. Diolch.
I am here today to speak in support of this petition, and, more importantly, in support of our children—children whose right to education has been undermined by this disastrous removal of home-to-school transport. Education should never be something that a child has to fight to access, yet that is exactly what we are asking them to do.
Across Wales, recent changes to home-to-school transport policies have had far-reaching consequences for attendance, well-being, equality and opportunity. Surveys consistently show that transport is one of the most common barriers to regular school attendance. In fact, around two-thirds of parents who have reported difficulties with attendance cite problems getting their children to and from school. The Children's Commissioner for Wales herself has warned that this burden is directly linked to lower attendance, and we have already seen the consequences.
In Rhondda Cynon Taf, parents last year described the new bus arrangements as 'absolute carnage'. Buses were overcrowded, children were late, and there were a number of accidents and safety concerns. The stress of this has even led some to experience anxiety and even panic attacks during their commute. These are not isolated complaints, but they are warning signs that reduced transport provision undermines children's ability to attend school consistently.
Attendance, however, is only part of the picture. Student well-being, both physical and mental, is also at stake. A critical issue is safety. While the bus journey itself may be risk assessed, the walk or cycle route to school is not. Many children will take what they perceive as being the quickest route, but this will not always be the safest. There have been reports of children walking down busy roads and traffic in poor weather conditions, and sometimes in the dark.
Rwyf yma heddiw i siarad o blaid y ddeiseb hon, ac yn bwysicach fyth, i gefnogi ein plant—plant y mae eu hawl i addysg wedi'i thanseilio gan y cam trychinebus hwn o gael gwared â chludiant rhwng y cartref a'r ysgol. Ni ddylai addysg byth fod yn rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid i blentyn ymladd i gael mynediad ati, ond dyna'n union y gofynnwn iddynt ei wneud.
Ledled Cymru, mae newidiadau diweddar i bolisïau cludiant rhwng y cartref a'r ysgol wedi arwain at ganlyniadau pellgyrhaeddol o ran presenoldeb, lles, cydraddoldeb a chyfle. Mae arolygon yn dangos yn gyson mai cludiant yw un o'r rhwystrau mwyaf cyffredin i bresenoldeb rheolaidd yn yr ysgol. Mewn gwirionedd, mae oddeutu dwy ran o dair o rieni sydd wedi nodi anawsterau gyda phresenoldeb yn crybwyll problemau'n ymwneud â chludiant i'r ysgol. Mae Comisiynydd Plant Cymru ei hun wedi rhybuddio bod y baich hwn yn uniongyrchol gysylltiedig â lefelau presenoldeb is, ac rydym eisoes wedi gweld y canlyniadau.
Yn Rhondda Cynon Taf, disgrifiodd rhieni y trefniadau bysiau newydd y llynedd fel 'llanast llwyr'. Roedd bysiau'n orlawn, roedd plant yn hwyr, a bu nifer o ddamweiniau a phryderon diogelwch. Mae straen hyn wedi arwain at orbryder a phyliau o banig hyd yn oed i rai ar eu taith i'r ysgol. Nid cwynion ynysig yw'r rhain, maent yn arwyddion rhybudd fod llai o ddarpariaeth trafnidiaeth yn tanseilio gallu plant i fynychu'r ysgol yn gyson.
Fodd bynnag, dim ond rhan o'r darlun yw presenoldeb. Mae llesiant myfyrwyr, yn gorfforol ac yn feddyliol, yn y fantol. Mater hollbwysig yw diogelwch. Er y gellir asesu risg y daith bws, nid felly'r llwybr cerdded neu feicio i'r ysgol. Bydd llawer o blant yn mynd ar yr hyn y maent yn ei ystyried yn llwybr cyflymaf, ond nid hwn fydd y llwybr mwyaf diogel bob amser. Cafwyd adroddiadau am blant yn cerdded ar ffyrdd prysur a thraffig mewn tywydd gwael, ac weithiau yn y tywyllwch.
Will the Member give way?
A wnaiff yr Aelod ildio?
Yes.
Gwnaf.
Sorry, I can't see you from over here. The petition mentions that they think under-19s walking to school is unsafe. I'd be interested in what evidence you might have to support that contention, because the crime rates don't reflect that. People may not want to walk to school, they may not like to walk in the weather if they're not used to it, but the perception of it being unsafe is not backed up by any evidence I'm aware of.
Mae’n ddrwg gennyf, ni allaf eich gweld o'r fan hon. Mae'r ddeiseb yn nodi eu bod yn credu bod cerdded i'r ysgol yn anniogel i blant dan 19 oed. Byddai gennyf ddiddordeb mewn gweld pa dystiolaeth sydd gennych i gefnogi'r ddadl honno, gan nad yw'r cyfraddau troseddu yn adlewyrchu hynny. Efallai na fydd pobl eisiau cerdded i'r ysgol, efallai na fyddant yn hoffi cerdded yn y tywydd gwael os nad ydynt wedi arfer gwneud hynny, ond nid yw'r canfyddiad fod hyn yn anniogel wedi'i gefnogi gan unrhyw dystiolaeth rwy'n ymwybodol ohoni.
As someone who has walked the routes that the children are expected to walk, I can vouch that there are unsafe routes. It's not about criminality, it's about speeding traffic, it's about the lack of pavements. [Interruption.] Go on.
Fel rhywun sydd wedi cerdded y llwybrau y disgwylir i'r plant eu cerdded, gallaf dystio bod rhai llwybrau'n anniogel. Nid yw'n ymwneud â throseddoldeb, mae'n ymwneud â thraffig yn goryrru, mae a wnelo â diffyg palmentydd. [Torri ar draws.] Ewch amdani.
Thank you for giving way. Will the Member agree with me that there is lots of evidence out there from a lot of parents who have written to, I'm sure, every single Member in this Chamber about unsafe routes to school? It doesn't mean—. You're implying that some sort of crime is going to happen on the way to school. We're talking about road safety in lots of different versions. Wouldn't you agree?
Diolch am ildio. A wnaiff yr Aelod gytuno â mi fod llawer o dystiolaeth ar gael gan lawer o rieni sydd wedi ysgrifennu at bob Aelod yn y Siambr hon, rwy'n siŵr, am lwybrau anniogel i'r ysgol? Nid yw'n golygu—. Rydych chi'n awgrymu y bydd rhyw fath o drosedd yn digwydd ar y ffordd i'r ysgol. Rydym yn sôn am sawl ffurf wahanol ar ddiogelwch ar y ffyrdd. Oni fyddech chi'n cytuno?
Yes, I agree wholeheartedly with the Member's comments here. I think you will have to have a strong foundation in yourself I think if you go to a parent when they express concerns and you say to them, 'Prove it.' I think that's not what we're here to do. We're here to support them.
Parents fear increased road danger, and rightly so. When school buses are removed, parents drive. That means more congestion, higher emissions and greater risk of road accidents involving children. Whilst there is an argument for encouraging walking and cycling in terms of health, greater confidence and creating cleaner air around schools, we have to recognise that this is simply not going to be possible across the whole of Wales. Urban and rural areas face very different challenges, and it's just not realistic to expect everyone to be able to do this. Encouraging active travel cannot mean forcing children to walk unreasonably long distances without proper assessment or support. For families, especially those on low incomes, the loss of free transport can be devastating. Up to 41 per cent of young people aged 16 to 24 in Wales identified transport as the biggest barrier to education or work. When support ends at GCSE level, it is the young people in poverty who are hit the hardest. I admit that the Welsh Government has taken positive steps. The £1 bus fare pilot for young people has helped many afford travel, and grants exist for post-16 learners. These measures are welcome, but they do not replace guaranteed, reliable transport for school-age children.
Transport reform is often framed around climate goals. Cheaper fares and integrated bus networks can reduce carbon emissions and modernise fleets. Encouraging fewer car journeys can improve air quality and road safety. But the truth is that cutting school bus eligibility risks doing the opposite. When free transport disappears, parents drive and congestion increases. Emissions consequently rise, and the environmental benefits are lost.
Parents and learners have spoken loudly. Thousands have signed this petition. Families are not protesting for convenience. They are protesting for safety, fairness and access to education. The message, Dirprwy Lywydd, is clear: transport is fundamental to education access, and people are fed up with the changes that have been proposed.
The years leading up to GCSEs and A-levels are the most critical in a young person's life. These are the years that shape confidence, opportunity and future prospects. Students should be focusing on learning, on lessons, exams and ambition, not on whether they can physically make it to school or not. With that in mind, Dirprwy Lywydd, I would hope everyone here supports this petition. Thank you.
Ydw, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â sylwadau'r Aelod. Rwy'n credu y bydd yn rhaid ichi gael cryn dipyn o hunanhyder i fynd at riant pan fyddant yn mynegi pryderon a dweud wrthynt, 'Profwch hynny.' Ni chredaf mai dyna rydym yma i'w wneud. Rydym yma i'w cefnogi.
Mae rhieni'n ofni mwy o berygl ar y ffyrdd, a hynny'n gywir ddigon. Pan gaiff bysiau ysgol eu diddymu, mae rhieni'n gyrru. Mae hynny'n golygu mwy o dagfeydd, mwy o allyriadau a mwy o risg o ddamweiniau ar y ffyrdd sy'n cynnwys plant. Er bod dadl i'w chael dros annog cerdded a beicio o ran iechyd, mwy o hyder a chreu aer glanach o amgylch ysgolion, rhaid inni gydnabod na fydd hyn yn bosib ledled Cymru gyfan. Mae ardaloedd trefol a gwledig yn wynebu heriau gwahanol iawn, ac nid yw'n realistig disgwyl i bawb allu gwneud hyn. Ni all annog teithio llesol olygu gorfodi plant i gerdded pellteroedd afresymol o hir heb asesiad na chymorth priodol. I deuluoedd, yn enwedig y rhai ar incwm isel, gall colli cludiant am ddim fod yn ddinistriol. Nododd hyd at 41 y cant o bobl ifanc 16 i 24 oed yng Nghymru gludiant fel y rhwystr mwyaf i addysg neu waith. Pan ddaw'r cymorth i ben ar lefel TGAU, y bobl ifanc sy'n byw mewn tlodi sy'n cael eu taro galetaf. Rwy'n cyfaddef bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cymryd camau cadarnhaol. Mae'r cynllun peilot tocynnau bws £1 i bobl ifanc wedi helpu llawer i fforddio teithio, ac mae grantiau ar gael ar gyfer dysgwyr ôl-16. Mae'r mesurau hyn i'w croesawu, ond nid ydynt yn cymryd lle cludiant sicr a dibynadwy i blant oedran ysgol.
Yn aml, mae diwygio trafnidiaeth yn cael ei drafod yng nghyd-destun nodau hinsawdd. Gall prisiau rhatach a rhwydweithiau bysiau integredig leihau allyriadau carbon a moderneiddio fflydoedd. Gall annog llai o deithiau car wella ansawdd aer a diogelwch ffyrdd. Ond y gwir amdani yw bod lleihau cymhwysedd i fysiau ysgol yn creu perygl o wneud y gwrthwyneb. Pan fydd cludiant am ddim yn diflannu, mae rhieni'n gyrru ac mae tagfeydd yn cynyddu. O ganlyniad, mae allyriadau'n codi, a'r manteision amgylcheddol yn cael eu colli.
Mae rhieni a dysgwyr wedi siarad yn glir. Mae miloedd wedi llofnodi'r ddeiseb hon. Nid yw teuluoedd yn protestio dros hwylustod. Maent yn protestio dros ddiogelwch, tegwch a mynediad at addysg. Mae'r neges yn glir, Ddirprwy Lywydd: mae trafnidiaeth yn allweddol i fynediad at addysg, ac mae pobl wedi cael llond bol ar y newidiadau sydd wedi'u cynnig.
Y blynyddoedd cyn TGAU a Safon Uwch yw'r rhai mwyaf hollbwysig ym mywyd unigolyn ifanc. Dyma'r blynyddoedd sy'n siapio hyder, cyfleoedd a rhagolygon ar gyfer y dyfodol. Dylai myfyrwyr ganolbwyntio ar ddysgu, ar wersi, arholiadau ac uchelgais, nid ar a allant gyrraedd yr ysgol ai peidio. Gyda hynny mewn golwg, Ddirprwy Lywydd, buaswn yn gobeithio y bydd pawb yma'n cefnogi'r ddeiseb hon. Diolch.
I'm really pleased that the Petitions Committee has brought forward this debate, and I'm also really pleased that these petitions were put forward by both petitioners, because it's very, very clear that school transport is not working currently in Wales. And it's not me saying this; it is constituents who can see how it's being put into practice. One of the petitioners is a constituent of mine, Tina Collins. I'm glad to see her here today, watching this debate. I'm sure she'd like to be here talking about the points herself, but she has been supported by a fantastic group of parents and learners, and has been instrumental in coordinating the 'Save the home to school transport' campaign in RCT.
Rwy'n falch iawn fod y Pwyllgor Deisebau wedi cyflwyno'r ddadl hon, ac rwyf hefyd yn falch iawn fod y deisebau hyn wedi'u cyflwyno gan y ddau ddeisebydd, gan ei bod yn amlwg iawn nad yw cludiant i'r ysgol yn gweithio yng Nghymru ar hyn o bryd. Ac nid fi sy'n dweud hyn, ond etholwyr sy'n gallu gweld sut y mae'n cael ei roi ar waith. Mae un o'r deisebwyr, Tina Collins, yn etholwr i mi. Rwy'n falch o'i gweld yma heddiw, yn gwylio'r ddadl hon. Rwy'n siŵr y byddai'n hoffi bod yma yn siarad am y pwyntiau ei hun, ond mae wedi cael ei chefnogi gan grŵp gwych o rieni a dysgwyr, ac mae wedi bod yn allweddol yn cydlynu'r ymgyrch i 'Achub cludiant rhwng y cartref a'r ysgol' yn Rhondda Cynon Taf.
They've collected a huge body of evidence and they were trying, of course, to stop RCT council from changing the provisions to be in line with statutory guidance for secondary school and college learners, but, as we know, the changes did go ahead. And it's clear from the evidence they've collated since the changes came into effect last September, and from evidence we've heard elsewhere a number of times in this Chamber over the past few years, that there are problems with the statutory thresholds and the guidance itself. So, how do we know this? Well, it's because we know that there are children and young people who are struggling to access education because of the system currently in place, and there are parents having to give up work or reduce their hours at work in order to support their children to access education.
I know Carolyn Thomas listed a number of points earlier, but I would like to go through the list that was shared with me of the concerns of constituents and learners. We've heard of learners having to leave Welsh-medium education, leaving behind lifelong friends, or parents making the choice early on not to send their child to a Welsh-medium school, because they know they won't be able to access free transport in the future, so making that choice in terms of language based on the availability of transport, because why wouldn't you choose to be able to walk to the nearest school, rather than having to walk maybe 2.9 miles to a school that is Welsh-medium, or having to pay, or for your parents to take you?
We've heard numerous examples of learners arriving in school drenched and having to sit through lessons in wet clothes and with their school books ruined. This is something teachers have told me is happening time and time again. We've seen the frequency of storms as well, and also of roads being flooded, so pupils having to walk through flooded water, which is also dirty. This is not right and it's not conducive to learning. We've heard of learners arriving exhausted after walking for well over an hour—that is not reasonable—parents having to restrict the number of days their child goes to school because they can't afford the daily cost of public transport. I've raised this a number of times over the past few years, and, yes, this is still the case.
We've heard of learners refusing to go to school when the weather is bad, or when it is dark, due to fears over their safety. I would like to respond to Lee Waters's point specifically on this, because maybe the data doesn't show it in terms of people being attacked, but, as a woman walking in the dark, you can be scared. How many women are fearful, and you hold your car keys, if you have them, just walking a short distance to your car. But having to walk for over an hour in the dark—. We do hear of people having comments, young girls having comments, from drivers passing by and so on. So, it is about how you feel. You may not be attacked, but that fear of being attacked, or having to put up with men leering over you or catcalling and so on is very real. And that's not captured in the data, but that's the evidence we're hearing. So, I would urge anyone who thinks that's reasonable to please walk with a young girl by herself in the dark and tell her that it is safe, because she won't feel safe, and I think that's something that gets lost in this argument sometimes. In terms of the mental health of learners suffering and an increase in anxiety, especially amongst learners with additional learning needs, these are all things we've heard; learners having to stop taking part in music lessons or other activities because they can't carry that instrument for up to three miles or carry that equipment.
So, we know these are all issues. The Welsh Government knows this to be true. That's why they've been reviewing the guidance. I think what parents and learners are hoping to hear today is how do we address these now. How do we progress this? We've talked previously about needing cross-party co-operation to find solutions. How can we ensure that happens? Because whatever has been put in place now isn't working. We need to listen to learners and their families. But, more importantly, we need to see those changes so that every child can access education safely.
Maent wedi casglu corff enfawr o dystiolaeth ac roeddent yn ceisio atal cyngor RhCT rhag newid y darpariaethau i fod yn unol â chanllawiau statudol ar gyfer dysgwyr ysgolion uwchradd a cholegau, ond fel y gwyddom, fe wnaed y newidiadau. Ac mae'n amlwg o'r dystiolaeth y maent wedi'i chasglu ers i'r newidiadau ddod i rym fis Medi diwethaf, ac o dystiolaeth a glywsom mewn mannau eraill nifer o weithiau yn y Siambr hon dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, fod problemau gyda'r trothwyon statudol a'r canllawiau eu hunain. Felly, sut ydym yn gwybod hyn? Wel, am ein bod yn gwybod bod rhai plant a phobl ifanc yn ei chael hi'n anodd cael mynediad at addysg oherwydd y system sydd ar waith ar hyn o bryd, ac mae rhieni'n gorfod rhoi'r gorau i weithio neu leihau eu horiau gwaith er mwyn cynorthwyo eu plant i gael mynediad at addysg.
Gwn fod Carolyn Thomas wedi rhestru nifer o bwyntiau yn gynharach, ond hoffwn fynd drwy'r rhestr a rannwyd gyda mi o bryderon etholwyr a dysgwyr. Rydym wedi clywed am ddysgwyr yn gorfod gadael addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg, gan adael ffrindiau gydol oes, neu rieni'n gwneud y dewis yn gynnar i beidio ag anfon eu plentyn i ysgol cyfrwng Cymraeg, am eu bod yn gwybod na fyddant yn gallu cael mynediad at gludiant am ddim yn y dyfodol, ac felly'n gwneud y dewis o ran iaith yn seiliedig ar argaeledd cludiant, oherwydd pam na fyddech chi'n dewis gallu cerdded i'r ysgol agosaf, yn hytrach na gorfod cerdded 2.9 milltir efallai i ysgol cyfrwng Cymraeg, neu orfod talu, neu fod eich rhieni'n gorfod mynd â chi?
Rydym wedi clywed nifer o enghreifftiau o ddysgwyr yn cyrraedd yr ysgol yn wlyb at eu crwyn ac yn gorfod eistedd drwy wersi mewn dillad gwlyb a'u llyfrau ysgol wedi'u difetha. Mae hyn yn rhywbeth y mae athrawon wedi dweud wrthyf sy'n digwydd dro ar ôl tro. Rydym wedi gweld amlder stormydd hefyd, a llifogydd ar ffyrdd fel bod rhaid i ddisgyblion gerdded drwy ddŵr llifogydd budr. Nid yw hyn yn iawn ac nid yw'n ffafriol i ddysgu. Rydym wedi clywed am ddysgwyr yn cyrraedd wedi blino'n lân ar ôl cerdded am ymhell dros awr—nid yw hynny'n rhesymol—rhieni'n gorfod cyfyngu ar nifer y dyddiau y mae eu plentyn yn mynd i'r ysgol am na allant fforddio cost ddyddiol trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus. Rwyf wedi codi hyn nifer o weithiau dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, ac ydy, mae'n dal i ddigwydd.
Rydym wedi clywed am ddysgwyr yn gwrthod mynd i'r ysgol pan fydd y tywydd yn wael, neu pan fydd hi'n dywyll, oherwydd ofnau ynghylch eu diogelwch. Hoffwn ymateb i bwynt Lee Waters yn benodol ar hyn, oherwydd efallai nad yw'r data'n ei ddangos o ran ymosodiadau ar bobl, ond fel menyw yn cerdded yn y tywyllwch, gallwch fod yn ofnus. Faint o fenywod sy'n ofnus, ac rydych chi'n gafael yn allweddi eich car, os oes gennych rai, wrth gerdded y pellter byr i'ch car. Ond mae gorfod cerdded am dros awr yn y tywyllwch—. Rydym yn clywed am sylwadau y mae gyrwyr sy'n pasio ac ati yn eu gwneud i ferched ifanc. Felly, mae a wnelo â sut rydych chi'n teimlo. Efallai na fydd unrhyw un yn ymosod arnoch, ond mae'r ofn y bydd rhywun yn ymosod arnoch, neu orfod dioddef dynion yn syllu arnoch neu'n eich heclo ac ati yn real iawn. Ac nid yw hynny wedi'i gofnodi yn y data, ond dyna'r dystiolaeth a glywn. Felly, buaswn yn annog unrhyw un sy'n credu bod hynny'n rhesymol i gerdded gyda merch ifanc ar ei phen ei hun yn y tywyllwch a dweud wrthi ei bod yn ddiogel, gan na fydd hi'n teimlo'n ddiogel, a chredaf fod hynny'n rhywbeth sy'n cael ei golli yn y ddadl hon weithiau. O ran iechyd meddwl dysgwyr sy'n dioddef a chynnydd mewn gorbryder, yn enwedig ymhlith dysgwyr ag anghenion dysgu ychwanegol, mae'r rhain oll yn bethau a glywsom; dysgwyr yn gorfod rhoi'r gorau i gael gwersi cerddoriaeth neu weithgareddau eraill am na allant gario'r offeryn am hyd at dair milltir neu gario'r offer hwnnw.
Felly, gwyddom fod pob un o'r rhain yn broblemau. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru’n gwybod bod hyn yn wir. Dyna pam eu bod wedi bod yn adolygu'r canllawiau. Credaf mai'r hyn y mae rhieni a dysgwyr yn gobeithio ei glywed heddiw yw sut yr awn i'r afael â'r rhain nawr. Sut rydym yn datblygu hyn? Rydym wedi siarad yn flaenorol am yr angen i gydweithio ar draws y pleidiau i ddod o hyd i atebion. Sut y gallwn sicrhau bod hynny'n digwydd? Oherwydd nid yw beth bynnag sydd wedi'i roi ar waith nawr yn gweithio. Mae angen inni wrando ar ddysgwyr a'u teuluoedd. Ond yn bwysicach fyth, mae angen inni weld y newidiadau hynny fel y gall pob plentyn gael mynediad at addysg yn ddiogel.
Diolch o galon i'r deisebydd am y ddeiseb yma ac am ei chymorth i mi wrth baratoi'r araith y prynhawn yma. Mae'n rhaid i fi ddweud o'r cychwyn dwi'n ddigon ffodus i allu cerdded fy merch bum mlwydd oed i'r ysgol ar hyd ffordd ddiogel, neu, i fod yn fanwl gywir, rhedeg ar ei hôl hi wrth iddi hi seiclo o fy mlaen i i'r ysgol. Ac mae hyn yn gam enfawr ymlaen, wrth gwrs, i addysg Gymraeg yng Nghaerdydd, achos roeddwn i ar y bws am dros awr i'r ysgol gynradd nôl yn y 1990au. Mae'n deg i ddweud bod y mater yma wedi cael ei godi yn gyson yn y lle hwn, a dwi'n cydnabod nad yw e'n fater syml. Mae'r gost yn fawr ac mae'n rhaid tynnu'r llinell yn rhywle, ac mae'r llinell yn mynd i adael rhai yn hapus ac eraill yn anfodlon. [Torri ar draws.]
Thank you very much to the petitioner for this petition and for her assistance in preparing my speech this afternoon. I have to say from the very outset I'm very fortunate to be able to walk my five-year-old daughter to school along a safe route, or, to be entirely correct, to run after her as she cycles ahead of me to school. And this is a huge step forward for Welsh-medium education in Cardiff, because I was on the bus for over an hour to go to my primary school back in the 1990s. It's fair to say that this issue has been raised regularly in this place, and I recognise that it's not a simple issue. The costs are great and you have to draw the line somewhere, and that line is going to leave some content and others not happy. [Interruption.]
Sorry, I thought that was an intervention.
Mae’n ddrwg gennyf, roeddwn yn meddwl mai ymyriad oedd hwnnw.
Lansiodd Llywodraeth Cymru adolygiad o drefniadau teithio gan ddysgwyr nôl yn 2019, cafwyd dadl gan wrthblaid yma nôl yn 2021, Papur Gwyn yn 2023, dadl arall gan wrthblaid yn 2023, ac yna gyhoeddodd y Pwyllgor Plant, Pobl Ifanc ac Addysg yn 2024, adroddiad ynglŷn â mynediad i addysg. Flwyddyn ddiwethaf, cafodd hwn ei godi mewn dadl fer yn y lle hwn. Y diweddaraf, wrth gwrs, yw ein bod ni'n aros i gael gwybod yr ymatebion i'r ymgynghoriad a wnaed ym Mehefin a Thachwedd 2025. Mae cysondeb y materion yma yn codi yn dangos, yn amlwg, fod yna broblem, ac mae hyn yn cael ei ategu yn y ffaith, fel mae Carolyn Thomas wedi dweud, fod y comisiynydd plant wedi sôn am hyn, mae'r Comisiynydd y Gymraeg wedi sôn am hyn yn gyson, a heddiw mae gyda ni ddeiseb sydd gyda bron i 12,000 o lofnodion. Dyw hwnna ddim yn beth sy'n digwydd mor aml â hynny, fod y teimladau mor gryf eu bod nhw'n cael 12,000 o lofnodion.
Ond y ddadl gryfaf, yn fy marn i, yw tystiolaeth y bobl ifanc eu hunain. Dyma ond ychydig o'r 500 o ymatebion gan blant Rhondda Cynon Taf, rhai o'r plant mor ifanc â blwyddyn 1. Dyma un ohonyn nhw: 'Mae fy nhad mewn trafferth yn y gwaith gan fod yn rhaid iddo adael yn gynnar i'm casglu a gweithio o gartref, sydd ddim yn ddelfrydol, a dyw fy mam ddim yn gyrru.' Dyna bwysau ar blentyn ifanc, fod ei dad mewn trafferth yn y gwaith. Un arall: 'Mae gennyf i ofn y bydd yn rhaid imi gerdded i Bonty yn y tywyllwch. Mae yna bobl yn cymryd cyffuriau'—yn ymwneud â phwynt Lee Waters a Heledd Fychan. Un arall: 'Nid oes palmant ar y briffordd.' Mae hyd yn oed y tri llais yma yn profi pa mor eang yw'r broblem, a hefyd pa mor heriol, efallai, yw'r datrysiad.
Yn ddealladwy, mae cwestiynau’n codi am oriau ysgol a sut maent yn cyd-fynd ag oriau gwaith. Fel pob Aelod, dwi'n siŵr ein bod ni i gyd yn gwybod am y gwaith gwych mae ysgolion, gan gynnwys ysgol fy merch i, yn ei wneud gyda chlybiau brecwast a chlybiau ar ôl ysgol. Ond, yn aml iawn, mae'n anodd cael llefydd yn y clybiau yma. A oes modd inni wneud mwy i helpu ein hysgolion? Mae angen inni barhau i gydweithio â'r heddlu—pwynt Joel, dwi'n credu. Yn amlwg, mae rôl bwysig i'r ysgolion gydweithio gyda'r heddlu, fel gwnaeth ysgol fy merch yn ddiweddar, trwy ddweud wrth yr heddlu, 'Mae yna broblem wrthgymdeithasol yn digwydd yn y fan yma.' Ac mae'r heddlu wedyn yn gallu mynd i'r lle yn ystod yr oriau mae plant a phobl ifanc yn cerdded nôl ac ymlaen o'r ysgol.
Hefyd, dwi ddim yn deall pam mae rhieni'n cael eu gwrthod rhag gallu talu am le pan mae yna le gwag ar fws. Os oes lle gwag ar fws, dyw e ddim yn gwneud dim sens i fi bod rhieni'n cael eu gwrthod rhag hyd yn oed talu am y lle yna.
Yn olaf, dwi'n credu bod yn rhaid inni adolygu'r ddeddfwriaeth er mwyn creu mwy o hyblygrwydd pan mae'n dod i reolau dwy filltir ysgol gynradd a thair milltir i ysgol uwchradd. Nawr, wrth gwrs dwi'n ymwybodol bod modd gwneud apêl, ond nid yn aml mae'r apeliadau yma yn llwyddiannus, ac yn sicr barn rhieni yw bod cost yn cael y flaenoriaeth dros ddiogelwch. So, dwi'n credu cam mawr i helpu fyddai adeiladu ar ganllawiau gweithredol, 'Teithio gan Ddysgwyr, Darpariaeth Statudol a Chanllawiau Gweithredol', Mehefin 2014, i'w wneud nid dim ond yn argymhelliad ond yn ofynnol i lwybrau fod yn droetffordd addas barhaus ar ffyrdd sydd â llif traffig cymedrol i drwm; i lwybrau fod â mannau camu ar ffyrdd sydd â llif traffig isel a llinellau gweld addas i roi digon o rybudd ymlaen llaw i yrwyr a cherddwyr; ac, yn olaf, i lwybrau ar ffyrdd â llif traffig isel iawn fod â llinellau gweld sy’n ddigon da i roi rhybudd ymlaen llaw.
Dwi'n edrych ymlaen at glywed sylwadau Aelodau, yn enwedig yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet. Mae llawer o oedi wedi digwydd ac mae angen gweithredu. Diolch yn fawr.
Now, the Welsh Government launched a review of learner travel arrangements back in 2019, there was an opposition party debate here in 2021, a White Paper in 2023, another opposition debate in 2023, and then the Children, Young People and Education Committee published a report in 2024 on access to education. Last year, this was raised in a short debate in this place. The latest is that we are waiting to see the responses to the consultation undertaken in June and November 2025. So, the consistency with which these issues are raised clearly demonstrates that there is a problem; this is highlighted by the fact, as Carolyn Thomas has said, that the children's commissioner's referred to this, the Welsh Language Commissioner's referred to this regularly, and, today, we have a petition that has almost 12,000 signatures. That isn't something that happens that often, that feelings are so strong that they have 12,000 signatures.
But the strongest argument, in my view, is the evidence of the young people themselves. Here are just a few of the 500 responses from children in RCT, some as young as year 1. This is one of them: 'My father is in trouble at work because he has to leave early to pick me up and then work from home, which is far from ideal, and my mother doesn't drive.' What a pressure for a young person, that his father is in trouble at work. Another: 'I'm afraid that I will have to walk to Ponty in the dark. There are people taking drugs'—and that relates to Lee Waters's point and the point made by Heledd Fychan. Another: 'There is no pavement on the highway.' Even these three voices prove just how broad this problem is and also how challenging the solutions to it are.
Now, understandably, questions arise about school hours and how they actually align with work hours. Like all Members, I'm sure we all know of the wonderful work that schools, including my daughter's school, do with breakfast clubs and after-school clubs. But very often it's very difficult to get places in these clubs. Could we do more, perhaps, to help our schools? We need to continue to collaborate with the police—I think that was Joel's point. Clearly, the schools have an important role in working with the police, as my daughter's school did recently, by telling the police that there is an antisocial behaviour problem in such and such a place. And then the police can go to that location during those hours when children and young people are walking back and forth to school.
Also, I don't understand why parents can't pay for a place on a bus when there is a vacant place on that bus. It makes no sense to me that parents can't pay for that space on a bus when it's available.
And again, I think we need to review the legislation to create more flexibility in terms of the rules on two miles to a primary school and three to a secondary school. Now, of course, I'm aware that one can appeal, but these appeals are rarely successful, and the view of parents is that cost is given priority over children's safety. So, a great step to support parents would be to build on the 'Learner Travel Statutory Provision and Operational Guidance', from June 2014, to make it not just a recommendation, but a requirement for routes to be a continuous adequate footway on roads that carry medium to heavy traffic flow; for routes to have step-offs on roads that have low traffic flow and adequate sight lines to provide sufficient advance warning to drivers and pedestrians; and, finally, for routes on roads with very low traffic flow to have sufficiently good sight lines to provide adequate advance warning.
I look forward to hearing the comments of Members, particularly the Cabinet Secretary. There has been a great deal of delay and we need action now. Thank you.
Thank you for extending this debate so that we can actually discuss the issues that have been raised here. I note the additional information provided by the petitioners. It raises several issues for me, but it enhances the information I received yesterday, when I visited one of the secondary schools in my constituency, as I was trying to use it as an opportunity to talk to year 11 pupils about the importance of using their vote in May. There's no point in us giving people the vote, if they don't then use it.
I was astonished to learn that several pupils aged 16 were still being ferried to school by car. Will that family member still be taking them to work in future? What are we doing to our young people to infantilise them in this way? We need to make it easy for them to make choices about how they get to school. I want to speak up for the rights of young people to be able to get to school independently, so they can choose who to walk or cycle with and what time they want to get there. Do they want to get there in time for the breakfast club or not, and most importantly for secondary school pupils, what time do they want to leave? Do they want to attend after-school clubs or are they always going to be dependent on the time that the school bus takes them back to the area where they live?
I want to also speak up for the urgency to reform the routes taken by buses in cities like Cardiff, so that if a pupil is carrying 6 kg of books on a particular day, or is carrying a musical instrument, as mentioned by another Member, there is a bus available to lighten the load. But I also think that there’s a message here for schools: do children really need to be carrying 6 kg of books? That is a lot.
I think that the information provided by the petitioner about this young person who had to walk 3 miles, and it took him an hour and 10 minutes—that’s less than 3 miles. That indicates somebody who doesn't normally walk. Schools ought to be thinking about, 'Do my pupils—?'
Diolch am ymestyn y ddadl hon fel y gallwn drafod y materion sydd wedi'u codi yma. Nodaf yr wybodaeth ychwanegol a ddarparwyd gan y deisebwyr. Mae'n codi sawl mater i mi, ond mae'n gwella'r wybodaeth a gefais ddoe, pan ymwelais ag un o'r ysgolion uwchradd yn fy etholaeth, wrth imi geisio ei ddefnyddio fel cyfle i siarad â disgyblion blwyddyn 11 am bwysigrwydd defnyddio'u pleidlais ym mis Mai. Nid oes unrhyw bwynt inni roi'r bleidlais i bobl os nad ydynt yn ei defnyddio wedyn.
Synnais glywed bod nifer o ddisgyblion 16 oed yn dal i gael eu cludo i'r ysgol mewn car. A fydd yr aelod hwnnw o'r teulu'n dal i'w cludo i'r gwaith yn y dyfodol? Beth a wnawn i'n pobl ifanc drwy eu babaneiddio yn y modd hwn? Mae angen inni ei gwneud hi'n hawdd iddynt wneud dewisiadau ynghylch sut y maent yn mynd i'r ysgol. Rwyf am siarad dros hawliau pobl ifanc i allu mynd i'r ysgol yn annibynnol, fel y gallant ddewis gyda phwy i gerdded neu feicio ac erbyn pryd y maent eisiau cyrraedd yno. A ydynt eisiau cyrraedd yno mewn pryd ar gyfer y clwb brecwast ai peidio, ac yn bwysicaf oll i ddisgyblion ysgol uwchradd, pa bryd y maent eisiau gadael? A ydynt eisiau mynychu clybiau ar ôl ysgol neu a ydynt bob amser yn mynd i fod yn ddibynnol ar yr amser y mae'r bws ysgol yn mynd â nhw'n ôl i'r ardal lle maent yn byw?
Rwyf hefyd eisiau siarad am bwysigrwydd diwygio'r llwybrau a gymerir gan fysiau mewn dinasoedd fel Caerdydd, fel bod bws ar gael i ysgafnhau'r baich os yw disgybl yn cario 6 kg o lyfrau ar ddiwrnod penodol, neu'n cario offeryn cerdd, fel y soniodd Aelod arall. Ond rwy'n credu hefyd fod neges yma i ysgolion: a oes angen i blant gario 6 kg o lyfrau? Mae hynny'n drwm.
Rwy'n credu bod yr wybodaeth a ddarparwyd gan y deisebydd am yr unigolyn ifanc yr oedd yn rhaid iddo gerdded 3 milltir, a'i fod yn cymryd awr a 10 munud iddo—llai na 3 milltir. Mae hynny'n awgrymu rhywun nad yw fel arfer yn cerdded. Dylai ysgolion fod yn meddwl, 'A yw ein disgyblion—?'
I know for some of the routes, and I’m sure you’ll understand, that some of them are up very steep hillsides. They're not flat, so it does take longer in terms of those circumstances, obviously with further equipment and so on, and some of the routes are not direct. It is just under that 3 miles, but I’m sure you’ll understand that it’s slower when you’re going uphill and up and down, and not on a flat surface as well.
Rwy'n gwybod, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi'n deall, fod rhai o'r llwybrau i fyny bryniau serth iawn. Nid ydynt yn wastad, felly mae'n cymryd mwy o amser yn yr amgylchiadau hynny, gydag offer pellach ac yn y blaen, ac nid yw rhai o'r llwybrau'n uniongyrchol. Maent ychydig o dan y 3 milltir, ond rwy'n siŵr y byddwch chi'n deall ei bod hi'n arafach pan fyddwch chi'n mynd i fyny'r rhiw, ac i fyny ac i lawr, a heb fod ar arwyneb gwastad hefyd.
I acknowledge that. There are some highlands in my constituency too—it’s one of the less flat parts of my constituency. I’m not suggesting that they are going to get a door-to-door service necessarily, but they can hop on a bus and then hop on another one, if they are carrying excessive goods. I also think that there’s a challenge for schools. Do they really need to be carrying 6 kg of books, or is there a locker where they can leave their books and only take home the ones they need for their homework?
Rwy'n cydnabod hynny. Mae rhai mannau uchel yn fy etholaeth i hefyd—un o'r rhannau llai gwastad o fy etholaeth. Nid wyf yn awgrymu eu bod yn mynd i gael gwasanaeth o ddrws i ddrws o reidrwydd, ond gallant neidio ar fws ac yna neidio ar un arall os ydynt yn cario gormod o bethau. Rwy'n credu hefyd fod yna her i ysgolion. A oes angen iddynt gludo 6 kg o lyfrau, neu a oes cwpwrdd clo lle gallant adael eu llyfrau a mynd â'r rhai sydd eu hangen arnynt ar gyfer eu gwaith cartref adref?
Will the Member give way?
A wnaiff yr Aelod ildio?
Yes.
Gwnaf.
Just quickly on that, I know you’re trying to justify some of the things that have been said, but my son is 15 years old and sometimes he’s unable to get a locker in school and he does have to carry an enormous bag with an awful lot of books at GCSE age. So, I have to say that there are instances where it’s not possible to carry less.
Yn gyflym ar hynny, rwy'n gwybod eich bod chi'n ceisio cyfiawnhau rhai o'r pethau sydd wedi'u dweud, ond mae fy mab yn 15 oed ac weithiau nid yw'n gallu cael cwpwrdd clo yn yr ysgol ac mae'n rhaid iddo gario bag enfawr gyda llawer iawn o lyfrau TGAU. Felly, rhaid imi ddweud bod yna achosion lle nad yw'n bosib cario llai.
Okay, that's a very useful intervention, but I think that is a challenge for schools. Should we really be expecting people to carry 6 kg of potatoes every single day to school, or is it in special circumstances? I think schools need to look at their locker policies, plus also the method by which they impart the information that’s needed for homework, because a lot of this work is done online these days—homework is carried out online.
I'm very glad to see both the Cabinet Secretary for Education and the Cabinet Secretary for transport here, because I think this is a problem that you jointly need to work on together, because the system isn't working at the moment. The amount of money we spend on school transport is absolutely eye-watering, and I've heard that there's been an absolutely massive increase in the charges since COVID. We're spending £1,200 per pupil, I believe; that's what somebody told me, and no doubt the Cabinet Secretary can confirm that.
In Cardiff alone, the council is spending £18.7 million on its mainstream school transport budget. Out of a delegated school budget of £330 million, it is only a small percentage. Nevertheless, £19 million buys you a lot of teachers, teaching assistants or curriculum enrichment. And as I mentioned in Stage 4 of the Bus Services (Wales) Bill, the special education transport budget of £11.1 million almost exceeds the total amount spent on pupils attending special schools. That should be a challenge for us all. This cannot go on like that. We have to find a more sustainable way of getting pupils to and from school.
Of course, there are special needs and those needs to be attended to on an individual case basis, and for some children, it is not safe for them to travel by public transport, I agree, particularly where there are contested court cases and the like. They need to go by taxi in those particular circumstances. But I think we absolutely need to be challenging how we are delivering this particular public service, because it is not value for money.
Iawn, mae hwnnw'n ymyriad ddefnyddiol iawn, ond rwy'n credu mai her i ysgolion yw honno. A ddylem ddisgwyl i bobl gario 6 kg o datws bob dydd i'r ysgol, neu mewn amgylchiadau arbennig yn unig? Rwy'n credu bod angen i ysgolion edrych ar eu polisïau cypyrddau clo, ynghyd â'r dull y maent yn rhoi'r wybodaeth sydd ei hangen ar gyfer gwaith cartref, oherwydd mae llawer o'r gwaith yn cael ei wneud ar-lein y dyddiau hyn—mae gwaith cartref yn cael ei wneud ar-lein.
Rwy'n falch iawn o weld Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros drafnidiaeth yma, oherwydd rwy'n credu bod hon yn broblem y mae angen ichi weithio arni gyda'ch gilydd, oherwydd nid yw'r system yn gweithio ar hyn o bryd. Mae'r swm o arian a wariwn ar gludiant ysgol yn hollol syfrdanol, ac rwyf wedi clywed bod cynnydd enfawr wedi bod yn y gost ers COVID. Rydym yn gwario £1,200 y disgybl, rwy'n credu; dyna a ddywedodd rhywun wrthyf, ac mae'n siŵr y gall Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet gadarnhau hynny.
Yng Nghaerdydd yn unig, mae'r cyngor yn gwario £18.7 miliwn ar ei gyllideb trafnidiaeth ysgol prif ffrwd. Canran fach ydyw o gyllideb ysgolion ddirprwyedig o £330 miliwn. Ond mae £19 miliwn yn prynu llawer o athrawon, cynorthwywyr addysgu neu gyfoethogi'r cwricwlwm. Ac fel y soniais yng Nghyfnod 4 y Bil Gwasanaethau Bysiau (Cymru), mae'r gyllideb trafnidiaeth addysg arbennig o £11.1 miliwn bron yn fwy na chyfanswm y swm a werir ar ddisgyblion sy'n mynychu ysgolion arbennig. Dylai honno fod yn her i ni i gyd. Ni all hyn barhau. Rhaid inni ddod o hyd i ffordd fwy cynaliadwy o gael disgyblion i ac o'r ysgol.
Wrth gwrs, mae yna anghenion arbennig a rhaid rhoi sylw i'r anghenion hynny ar sail achosion unigol, ac i rai plant, nid yw'n ddiogel iddynt deithio ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus, rwy'n cytuno, yn enwedig lle ceir achosion llys ac ati. Mae angen iddynt fynd mewn tacsi yn yr amgylchiadau arbennig hynny. Ond rwy'n credu bod angen inni herio'r ffordd yr awn ati i ddarparu'r gwasanaeth cyhoeddus penodol hwn, oherwydd nid yw'n darparu gwerth am arian.
I just want to thank the petitioner and those who've spoken in favour of that petition to date. This obviously is calling for a review of existing legislation to ensure that all children are able to attend school or college without unnecessary difficulty, particularly through improved access to transport. Twelve thousand signatures have been highlighted, and that is a lot of public concern. The Government have to take notice of this.
The most recent review, conducted in 2021, found that 109,000 pupils in Wales travelled to school by vehicle each day. Sixty-five per cent of these had access to school transport. That means 35 per cent did not have access. Of the 9,288 pupils with additional learning needs, 3,500 relied on a dedicated school bus. As Jenny pointed out, which I do agree with, we have too many children coming to schools in individual taxis. There has to be a better way than that.
As has been pointed out about the review in 2021, several local authorities across Wales have made even further cuts to school transport provision. We've talked for hours in here about school absenteeism, and trying to get our children into school in a safe and practical manner. That's all this petition is asking. I know, Jenny, you used your reference of Cardiff, but I represent a constituency where I have farms. This three-mile business drives me insane because I've had people say, 'We've been told it's as the crow flies.' I've been told it's measuring it if you drive there. And the thing is, I've even had parents taking tape measures out and doing the route. Some of these children, actually—[Interruption.] Yes, I'll give way.
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r deisebydd a'r rhai sydd wedi siarad o blaid y ddeiseb hyd yma. Mae hyn yn amlwg yn galw am adolygiad o'r ddeddfwriaeth bresennol i sicrhau bod pob plentyn yn gallu mynychu'r ysgol neu'r coleg heb anhawster diangen, yn enwedig trwy well mynediad at drafnidiaeth. Casglodd 12,000 o lofnodion, ac mae hynny'n dangos cymaint o bryder sydd yna ymhlith y cyhoedd. Rhaid i'r Llywodraeth roi sylw i hyn.
Canfu'r adolygiad diweddaraf, a gynhaliwyd yn 2021, fod 109,000 o ddisgyblion yng Nghymru yn teithio i'r ysgol mewn cerbyd bob dydd. Roedd gan 65 y cant o'r rhain fynediad at gludiant ysgol. Mae hynny'n golygu nad oedd gan 35 y cant fynediad. O'r 9,288 o ddisgyblion ag anghenion dysgu ychwanegol, roedd 3,500 yn dibynnu ar fws ysgol pwrpasol. Fel y nododd Jenny, ac rwy'n cytuno, mae gennym ormod o blant yn dod i ysgolion mewn tacsis unigol. Rhaid bod ffordd well na hynny.
Fel y nodwyd am yr adolygiad yn 2021, mae sawl awdurdod lleol ledled Cymru wedi gwneud toriadau pellach i'r ddarpariaeth cludiant ysgol. Rydym wedi siarad am oriau yma am lefelau absenoldeb ysgolion, a cheisio cael ein plant i'r ysgol mewn ffordd ddiogel ac ymarferol. Dyna'r cyfan y mae'r ddeiseb hon yn gofyn amdano. Rwy'n gwybod, Jenny, eich bod chi wedi cyfeirio at Gaerdydd, ond rwy'n cynrychioli etholaeth lle mae gennyf ffermydd. Mae'r busnes tair milltir hwn yn fy nghynddeiriogi oherwydd rwyf wedi clywed pobl yn dweud, 'Maent wedi dweud wrthym mai fel yr hed y frân y caiff ei gyfrif.' Cefais wybod mai mesur y ffordd rydych chi'n gyrru yno a wneir. A'r peth yw, rwyf hyd yn oed wedi cael rhieni yn tynnu tâp mesur allan a mesur y llwybr. Mae rhai o'r plant hyn, mewn gwirionedd—[Torri ar draws.] Iawn, fe ildiaf.
Thank you very much. I can tell you that headteachers regularly do the route because they have to decide which pupils live closest to the gate, and who gets in and who doesn't. So, that science is definitely well established. The point is, if you are in secondary school, you ought to be able to buy a bike if you are coming from a farm. Three miles is nothing. If I can do it, so can this young person.
Diolch yn fawr. Gallaf ddweud wrthych fod penaethiaid yn gwneud y llwybr yn rheolaidd oherwydd mae'n rhaid iddynt benderfynu pa ddisgyblion sy'n byw agosaf at y giât, a phwy sy'n cael eu derbyn neu eu gwrthod. Felly, mae'r wyddoniaeth honno'n bendant wedi'i sefydlu'n dda. Y pwynt yw, os ydych chi yn yr ysgol uwchradd, dylech chi allu prynu beic os ydych chi'n dod o fferm. Nid yw tair milltir yn bell. Os gallaf i ei wneud, gall yr unigolyn ifanc hwn ei wneud hefyd.
Some of these farm tracks, from the farm gate to the main road, can be two or three miles sometimes themselves, and they're not—. They're dark. Would you really—? As a child, would you like to have walked home in the dark from a farm gate? I just find the argument that anyone—. There’s nobody in this Chamber can defend the current situation as it is.
We, as a group, recognise the vital role that safe, reliable and accessible school transport plays in supporting pupils' health. And whilst I get it, Jenny, that you want people riding and walking, it isn't safe for some pupils—not all, but it isn’t safe. And for me, as a mother and a grandmother, I would not want my children—. And we are Members here, so why should we expect other children to be—? Why should we put that pressure on the father, who can't take his son to school or is late getting into work after taking their child to school? It should be one of the fundamental must dos for this Welsh Labour Government to ensure—[Interruption.] No, I'm sorry, I can't take any more. Sorry.
We need to be able to prepare our children for the future academically, and the skills base, but we've got to provide them with a much-needed social space as well, where they can learn to interact with people from all aspects of society. The petition highlights the experience, a shocking experience, and I believe it. It's not far-fetched. I have these numerous times, Dirprwy Lywydd, where I challenge my local authority and it's just, 'Oh, our hands are tied, we haven't got the money.' It's not a good enough excuse. And this about children reporting sore feet, shoulder pain, extreme exhaustion; they do, and that affects their school performance. It affects the situation at home as well. We've got to try and keep our families together with as little stress as possible. Too often families now split up and, like it or not, it can be for a precious cause, by bringing children up now, in this day and age.
As elected officials, we regularly hear from parents who are struggling to secure a place for their child on a free school bus. It's just a nightmare. There are also issues of public safety, I believe, in these children. I used to walk to school every day, but I was able to. But we do have some very isolated, dark, rural lanes that are just not suitable whatsoever.
As far as I'm concerned, I'm asking the Government now to support this petitioner, support all 12,000 people who have actually signed this petition. It's obviously affecting them, but I've always said, for every one person affected by something, there are usually hundreds.
Gall rhai o'r traciau fferm hyn, o giât y fferm i'r brif ffordd, fod yn ddwy neu dair milltir eu hunain weithiau, ac nid ydynt—. Maent yn dywyll. A fyddech chi mewn gwirionedd—? Fel plentyn, a hoffech chi gerdded adref yn y tywyllwch o giât fferm? Mae'r ddadl fod unrhyw un—. Nid all neb yn y Siambr amddiffyn y sefyllfa bresennol.
Rydym ni, fel grŵp, yn cydnabod y rôl hanfodol y mae cludiant ysgol diogel, dibynadwy a hygyrch yn ei chwarae yn cefnogi iechyd disgyblion. Ac er fy mod i'n deall, Jenny, eich bod chi eisiau i bobl feicio a cherdded, nid yw'n ddiogel i rai disgyblion—nid pawb, ond nid yw'n ddiogel. Ac i mi, fel mam a nain, ni fyddwn eisiau i fy mhlant—. Ac rydym yn Aelodau yma, felly pam y dylem ni ddisgwyl i blant eraill—? Pam y dylem ni roi'r pwysau hwnnw ar y tad, sy'n methu mynd â'i fab i'r ysgol neu sy'n hwyr yn mynd i'r gwaith ar ôl mynd â'u plentyn i'r ysgol? Dylai fod yn un o'r pethau sylfaenol sy'n rhaid i'r Llywodraeth Lafur hon eu sicrhau—[Torri ar draws.] Na, mae'n ddrwg gennyf, ni allaf dderbyn rhagor. Mae'n ddrwg gennyf.
Mae angen inni allu paratoi ein plant ar gyfer y dyfodol yn academaidd, a'r sylfaen sgiliau, ond mae'n rhaid inni ddarparu gofod cymdeithasol mawr ei angen iddynt hefyd, lle gallant ddysgu rhyngweithio â phobl o bob rhan o gymdeithas. Mae'r ddeiseb yn tynnu sylw at y profiad, profiad brawychus, ac rwy'n ei gredu. Nid yw'n gor-ddweud. Rwy'n cael y rhain yn aml, Ddirprwy Lywydd, lle rwy'n herio fy awdurdod lleol a chael, 'O, mae ein dwylo wedi'u clymu, nid oes gennym arian.' Nid yw'n esgus digon da. Ac mae hyn am blant sy'n sôn am draed dolurus, poen ysgwydd, blinder eithafol; mae'n effeithio ar eu perfformiad ysgol. Mae'n effeithio ar y sefyllfa gartref hefyd. Rhaid inni geisio cadw ein teuluoedd gyda'i gilydd gyda chyn lleied o straen â phosib. Yn rhy aml bellach, mae teuluoedd yn chwalu a hoffi hynny neu beidio, gall fod am achos pitw, wrth fagu plant nawr, yn yr oes hon.
Fel swyddogion etholedig, rydym yn clywed yn rheolaidd gan rieni sy'n cael trafferth sicrhau lle i'w plentyn ar fws ysgol am ddim. Mae'n hunllef. Mae yna broblemau o ran diogelwch y cyhoedd hefyd, gyda'r plant hyn. Roeddwn i'n arfer cerdded i'r ysgol bob dydd, ond roeddwn i'n gallu. Ond mae gennym lonydd gwledig unig, tywyll, gwledig iawn nad ydynt yn addas o gwbl.
O'm rhan i, rwy'n gofyn i'r Llywodraeth gefnogi'r deisebydd, cefnogi pob un o'r 12,000 o bobl sydd wedi llofnodi'r ddeiseb. Mae'n amlwg yn effeithio arnynt hwy, ond rwyf bob amser wedi dweud, am bob unigolyn sy'n cael ei effeithio gan rywbeth, fel arfer mae yna gannoedd o rai eraill.
You need to conclude now, please, Janet.
Mae angen i chi ddod i ben nawr, os gwelwch chi'n dda, Janet.
Yes. I call on the Cabinet Secretary now to work with our education Secretary, to work with our local authorities, and to somehow, I don't care how you do it, find a way of providing safe and practical transport for all our children in Wales. Diolch.
Iawn. Galwaf ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet nawr i weithio gyda'n Hysgrifennydd addysg, i weithio gyda'n hawdurdodau lleol, a rywsut, nid oes ots gennyf sut rydych chi'n ei wneud, i ddod o hyd i ffordd o ddarparu cludiant diogel ac ymarferol i'n holl blant yng Nghymru. Diolch.
As everyone else has done as well, I'd like to thank the petitioners and everyone else that has signed. All of us have heard from constituents about home-to-school transport, parents who are worried, young people who are exhausted, and families who feel that the system is working against them rather than for them.
Education is not a privilege, it's a right, and yet under the current learner travel guidance for Wales, too many children are being quietly but consistently blocked from accessing the education they deserve. For some learners, as we've already heard from many speakers already, getting to school means walking long distances every day in all weather—rain, snow, darkness—and sometimes facing real hazards. And believe you me, we've heard the perspective from urban communities, but believe you me, in rural parts of Wales, pavements are not a given. Street lighting can be patchy or non-existent. Roads are narrow, fast and unforgiving. Children are walking along busy routes early in the morning when it's dark, not because it's safe or sensible, but because the guidance leaves them with no other option.
These journeys take a real toll. We see more children getting unwell, more days missed at school, and young people arriving in the classroom already tired before lessons have even begun, and often having to sit for hours in wet clothes. And, as ever, it is children from lower income households who feel this most: families who can't afford daily bus fares, who don't have access to a car, and who are left with very little choice.
Fel y mae pawb arall wedi gwneud, hoffwn ddiolch i'r deisebwyr a phawb arall sydd wedi llofnodi. Mae pob un ohonom wedi clywed gan etholwyr am gludiant o'r cartref i'r ysgol, rhieni sy'n pryderu, pobl ifanc flinedig, a theuluoedd sy'n teimlo bod y system yn gweithio yn eu herbyn yn hytrach nag ar eu rhan.
Nid braint yw addysg, ond hawl, ac eto o dan y canllawiau presennol yng Nghymru ar deithio gan ddysgwyr, mae gormod o blant yn cael eu rhwystro'n dawel ond yn gyson rhag cael mynediad at yr addysg y maent yn ei haeddu. I rai dysgwyr, fel y clywsom eisoes gan lawer o siaradwyr, mae cyrraedd yr ysgol yn golygu cerdded pellteroedd hir bob dydd ym mhob tywydd—glaw, eira, tywyllwch—ac wynebu peryglon go iawn weithiau. Ac rydym wedi clywed persbectif cymunedau trefol, ond credwch fi, mewn rhannau gwledig o Gymru, efallai nad oes palmentydd. Gall goleuadau stryd fod yn achlysurol neu heb fod yno o gwbl. Mae ffyrdd yn gul, ceir yn gyrru'n gyflym arnynt a dim lle i gamu o'r ffordd. Mae plant yn cerdded ar hyd llwybrau prysur yn gynnar yn y bore pan fo'n dywyll, nid am ei bod hi'n ddiogel neu'n synhwyrol iddynt wneud hynny, ond oherwydd bod y canllawiau'n eu gadael heb unrhyw opsiwn arall.
Mae'r teithiau hyn yn creu niwed go iawn. Rydym yn gweld mwy o blant yn mynd yn sâl, mwy o ddyddiau'n cael eu colli o'r ysgol, a phobl ifanc yn cyrraedd yr ystafell ddosbarth wedi blino cyn i wersi ddechrau hyd yn oed, ac yn aml yn gorfod eistedd am oriau mewn dillad gwlyb. Ac fel erioed, plant o aelwydydd incwm is sy'n teimlo hyn fwyaf: teuluoedd sy'n methu fforddio talu am fws dyddiol, sydd heb fynediad at gar, ac sy'n cael eu gadael heb fawr o ddewis.
Heddiw, Dirprwy Lywydd, dwi am ganolbwyntio'n benodol ar sut mae'r canllawiau hyn yn creu rhwystr i addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg. Mae Heledd wedi cyfeirio at nifer o'r pwyntiau dwi eisiau eu codi yn barod, felly dwi'n mynd i fod yn gryno.
Yn aml iawn, rŷn ni'n siarad gyda balchder yn y Siambr yma am yr iaith, ei dyfodol a'n huchelgais ni i gyd i greu o leiaf 1 miliwn o siaradwyr Cymraeg erbyn 2050. Yn wir, fe gafodd yr uchelgais honno ei chyflawni drwy ddeddfwriaeth pan basiwyd yn unfrydol Fil y Gymraeg gan Aelodau yn y lle hwn. Rydyn ni am weld pob plentyn yng Nghymru yn dod yn siaradwr Cymraeg yn hyderus, ond dyw'r ddeddfwriaeth yma ar ei phen ei hun ddim yn ddigon.
Ar draws Cymru, mae rhieni'n dweud wrthym ni dro ar ôl tro eu bod nhw eisiau anfon eu plant i addysg Gymraeg, ond dyw'r daith i'r ysgol Gymraeg leol agosaf ddim yn un ymarferol a hwylus. O ganlyniad, mae gormod o deuluoedd yn teimlo eu bod nhw'n cael eu gwthio i ddewis addysg trwy gyfrwng y Saesneg—nid oherwydd mai dyna yw eu dymuniad nhw, ond oherwydd dyna'r unig opsiwn realistig sydd ar gael iddyn nhw o dan yr amgylchiadau maen nhw'n ffeindio eu hunain ynddynt.
Nid rhoi dewis go iawn yw hynny, ond, mewn gwirionedd, cyfyngu ar ddewis i rieni mae hynny'n ei wneud. Os ydyn ni o ddifrif am gryfhau'r iaith Gymraeg, yna mae'n rhaid i fynediad at addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg weithio yn ymarferol, nid ar bapur yn unig. Nid yw system sy'n hyrwyddo addysg Gymraeg ar y naill law, ond tynnu trafnidiaeth i ffwrdd o addysg Gymraeg ar y llaw arall, yn gwneud unrhyw synnwyr o gwbl. Dyna pam mae angen adolygu'r canllawiau hyn.
Mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw adlewyrchu realiti teuluoedd a realiti Cymru, ein daearyddiaeth ni, ein cymunedau gwledig ni a'n huchelgais genedlaethol ar gyfer yr iaith. Mae'n rhaid inni dderbyn nad yw addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg yn opsiwn ychwanegol ond yn rhan ganolog o ddyfodol y genedl hon. Os na fyddwn yn cael gwared ar y rhwystrau trafnidiaeth hyn, byddwn yn methu â chefnogi'r teuluoedd hynny sy'n dymuno magu eu plant trwy gyfrwng y Gymraeg, ac, yn y pen draw, byddwn ni'n methu â chyflawni'n huchelgais o ran creu 1 miliwn o siaradwyr.
I gloi, Dirprwy Lywydd, dylai addysg agor drysau, nid gosod rhwystrau. Mae'n bryd i'n system teithio i ddysgwyr wneud yr un peth.
Today, Dirprwy Lywydd, I want to focus specifically on how these guidelines create barriers for Welsh-medium education. Heledd has made reference to a number of the points that I want to raise, so I'll be concise.
Very often, we talk with pride in this Chamber about the language, its future and our ambition to create at least 1 million Welsh speakers by 2050. Indeed, that ambition was delivered through legislation when we passed unanimously the Welsh language Bill in this place. We want to see every child in Wales become a confident Welsh speaker, but this legislation alone is not enough.
Across Wales, parents tell us time and again that they want to send their children to Welsh-medium institutions, but the journey to the local closest Welsh school is not practical. As a result, too many families feel that they are pushed to choose English-medium education, not because that's what their desire is, but that's the only realistic option that's available to them under the circumstances that they find themselves in.
That's not a proper choice, but it's a restriction on the choice of parents. And if we're serious about strengthening the Welsh language, then access to Welsh-medium education has to work in practice, not just on paper. A system that promotes the Welsh language system on the one hand, but withdrawing transport from Welsh-medium education on the other hand, doesn't make any sense at all. That's why we need to review this guidance.
These guidelines need to reflect the reality of families and the reality of Wales, our geography, our rural communities, our national ambition for the Welsh language. We have to accept that Welsh-medium education is not an additional option, but rather a central option for the future of this nation. If we don't get rid of these transport barriers, we won't be able to support those families that want to raise their children through the medium of Welsh, and, ultimately, we'll fail to deliver our ambition in terms of creating 1 million Welsh speakers.
To close, Dirprwy Lywydd, education should open doors, it shouldn't impose barriers. It's time for our learner transport system to do the same thing.
I'm speaking today, of course, in total support of this petition. I'd like to also say 'diolch' to everybody who has been involved in bringing forward this petition to the Senedd today. It's great to see them in the gallery. We welcome them here. And well done to everyone, of course, who signed the petition—12,000 signatures is a great show.
Nothing is more important than ensuring our children and young people's safety, and we should be doing everything that we can to ensure that they get to school in a safe and timely manner. School transport is a vital issue affecting families right across my region of South Wales East and also Wales. I've actually lost count of how many times we've talked about this in the Chamber since I've been here—on all the issues that have been discussed today. Yet nothing has changed, really. I hear from parents across my region of Wales every week about the stress and financial burden of getting their children to school safely and on time. It's time we address this head on and had some real commonsense solutions.
This week, I was made aware of a family with three children outside of my patch who travel to Ysgol Ysbyty Ifan in Conwy—[Interruption.]—thank you—where two of the children there, boys, get free transport to school—actually, down a very long farm lane, as it happens—but the young daughter, who's just started education at this school, is unable to get that transport, which is absolutely crazy. It means that the parent has to follow the bus to school with her, because it is too unsafe for her to walk to school. We are seeing nonsensical things like this happen right across Wales.
There are many, many examples in my patch, too, where one side of the street are able to get free education, and literally the other side of the street—free transport to school, sorry—and the other side of the street have to pay hundreds and hundreds of pounds to get to school every year. I just don't understand it. It's completely nonsensical. It should be done on a case-by-case basis.
Under current Welsh law, the Learner Travel (Wales) Measure 2008, local authorities must provide free transport to the nearest suitable school if it's more than 2 miles away for primary schools or 3 miles away for secondary schools. But here's the reality: many schools are cutting back on discretionary support due to budget pressures stemming from the Welsh Labour Government pushing directives on councils and not following them with the money. In areas such as Monmouthshire and Rhondda Cynon Taf, families are losing dedicated school buses, forcing children onto overcrowded public transport or long walks in the weather, as we've heard—
Rwy'n siarad heddiw, wrth gwrs, mewn cefnogaeth lwyr i'r ddeiseb hon. Hefyd, hoffwn ddiolch i bawb sydd wedi bod yn rhan o'r broses o gyflwyno'r ddeiseb i'r Senedd heddiw. Mae'n wych eu gweld yn yr oriel. Rydym yn eu croesawu yma. A da iawn bawb a lofnododd y ddeiseb—mae 12,000 o lofnodion yn wych.
Nid oes dim yn bwysicach na sicrhau diogelwch ein plant a'n pobl ifanc, a dylem wneud popeth yn ein gallu i sicrhau eu bod yn cyrraedd yr ysgol yn ddiogel ac yn brydlon. Mae cludiant ysgol yn fater hanfodol sy'n effeithio ar deuluoedd ar draws fy rhanbarth yn Nwyrain De Cymru, a Chymru hefyd. Rwyf wedi colli cyfrif ar faint o weithiau rydym wedi siarad am hyn yn y Siambr ers i mi fod yma—yr holl faterion sydd wedi cael eu trafod heddiw. Ond nid oes unrhyw beth wedi newid mewn gwirionedd. Rwy'n clywed gan rieni ar draws fy rhanbarth bob wythnos am y straen a'r baich ariannol o gael eu plant i'r ysgol yn ddiogel ac mewn pryd. Mae'n bryd inni fynd i'r afael â hyn yn uniongyrchol a chael atebion synnwyr cyffredin.
Yr wythnos hon, cefais wybod am deulu a chanddynt dri o blant y tu allan i fy ardal i sy'n teithio i Ysgol Ysbyty Ifan yng Nghonwy—[Torri ar draws.]—diolch—lle mae dau o'r plant yno, bechgyn, yn cael cludiant am ddim i'r ysgol—i lawr lôn fferm hir iawn, fel mae'n digwydd—ond nid yw'r ferch ifanc, sydd newydd ddechrau addysg yn yr ysgol hon, yn cael y cludiant hwnnw, sy'n hollol wallgof. Mae'n golygu bod yn rhaid i'r rhiant ddilyn y bws i'r ysgol gyda hi, am nad yw'n ddiogel iddi gerdded i'r ysgol. Rydym yn gweld pethau hurt o'r fath yn digwydd ledled Cymru.
Mae yna nifer fawr o enghreifftiau yn fy ardal i hefyd lle mae un ochr i'r stryd yn gallu cael addysg am ddim, ac yn llythrennol yr ochr arall i'r stryd—cludiant am ddim i'r ysgol, mae'n ddrwg gennyf—a'r ochr arall i'r stryd yn gorfod talu cannoedd a'r gannoedd o bunnoedd i gyrraedd yr ysgol bob blwyddyn. Nid wyf yn ei ddeall. Mae'n nonsens llwyr. Dylid ei wneud ar sail achosion unigol.
O dan y gyfraith bresennol yng Nghymru, sef Mesur Teithio gan Ddysgwyr (Cymru) 2008, rhaid i awdurdodau lleol ddarparu cludiant am ddim i'r ysgol addas agosaf os yw'n fwy na 2 filltir i ffwrdd ar gyfer ysgolion cynradd neu 3 milltir i ffwrdd ar gyfer ysgolion uwchradd. Ond dyma'r gwirionedd: mae llawer o ysgolion yn torri'n ôl ar gymorth yn ôl disgresiwn oherwydd pwysau cyllidebol a achosir gan Lywodraeth Lafur Cymru'n gwthio cyfarwyddyd ar gynghorau a pheidio â darparu arian i ddilyn y cyfarwyddyd hwnnw. Mewn ardaloedd fel sir Fynwy a Rhondda Cynon Taf, mae teuluoedd yn colli bysiau ysgol pwrpasol, gan orfodi plant i fynd ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus orlawn neu i gerdded pellteroedd hir mewn tywydd, fel y clywsom—
Will the Member give way?
A wnaiff yr Aelod ildio?
Yes, I will give way.
Gwnaf, fe ildiaf.
Thank you. This is a difficult issue. Nigel Farage has said that too much money is spent on school transport. In Kent County Council, he said it beggars belief the amount of money that's being spent on school transport and he said that their department of government efficiency would cut it. And when asked who should provide school transport, he said:
'There are things called parents who for as long as modern times remember have had the aggravation of getting their kids to school'.
So, you're keen to support this petition for more money into school transport, but the reality is that when your party does get power, it does the opposite.
Diolch. Mae hwn yn fater anodd. Mae Nigel Farage wedi dweud bod gormod o arian yn cael ei wario ar gludiant ysgol. Yng Nghyngor Sir Caint, dywedodd ei bod yn anghredadwy faint o arian sy'n cael ei wario ar gludiant ysgol a dywedodd y byddai eu hadran effeithlonrwydd llywodraethol yn ei dorri. A phan ofynnwyd iddo pwy ddylai ddarparu cludiant ysgol, dywedodd:
'Mae yna bethau o'r enw rhieni sydd ers gwawrio'r oes fodern wedi ysgwyddo'r baich o gludo'u plant i'r ysgol'.
Felly, rydych chi'n awyddus i gefnogi'r ddeiseb hon am fwy o arian i gludiant ysgol, ond y gwir amdani yw, pan fydd eich plaid chi'n cael grym, mae'n gwneud y gwrthwyneb.
In Wales, we—which you're not recognising today at all with any of your interventions—live in a very rural country. A very rural country with very real worries about children getting to school. It might be a different issue; he might be talking about a specific issue—who knows? But in Wales, there are things that you need to understand, which you clearly don't, as a Member—
Yng Nghymru, rydym yn byw mewn gwlad wledig iawn, rhywbeth nad ydych chi'n ei gydnabod heddiw o gwbl gydag unrhyw un o'ch ymyriadau. Gwlad wledig iawn gyda phryderon real iawn ynglŷn â'r ffordd y mae plant yn cyrraedd yr ysgol. Efallai ei fod yn fater gwahanol; efallai ei fod ef yn siarad am fater penodol—pwy a ŵyr? Ond yng Nghymru, mae yna bethau y mae angen i chi eu deall, ac mae'n amlwg nad ydych chi, fel Aelod—
You're a hypocrite—that's what I understand.
Rydych chi'n rhagrithiwr—dyna beth rwy'n ei ddeall.
You're not allowed to say that. Point of order.
Ni chaniateir i chi ddweud hynny. Pwynt o drefn.
—about what happens in rural Wales—[Interruption.]
—am yr hyn sy'n digwydd yng nghefn gwlad Cymru—[Torri ar draws.]
A few words, okay?
Ychydig eiriau, o'r gorau?
Sorry. I can't see you.
Mae'n ddrwg gennyf. Ni allaf eich gweld.
Do you want to make a point of order?
A ydych chi eisiau gwneud pwynt o drefn?
A point of order. 'Hypocrite' is not—. You can say, 'I'm accusing you of hypocrisy'; you cannot say 'hypocrite' in this Chamber.
Pwynt o drefn. Nid yw 'rhagrithiwr' yn—. Gallwch ddweud, 'Rwy'n eich cyhuddo o ragrith'; ni allwch ddweud 'rhagrithiwr' yn y Siambr hon.
I've got to be honest, Janet, I didn't hear anything, okay?
Rhaid imi fod yn onest, Janet, ni chlywais unrhyw beth, iawn?
You didn't hear it? Well, check the record. You'll see that he has just called a female Member of our Chamber—
Ni wnaethoch ei glywed? Wel, gwiriwch y cofnod. Fe welwch ei fod newydd alw Aelod benywaidd o'n Siambr—
I will check the record, Janet, but I haven't heard it, okay? I'll check the record. Laura.
Fe wnaf wirio'r cofnod, Janet, ond ni wneuthum ei glywed, iawn? Fe wnaf wirio'r cofnod, Laura.
What losing dedicated school buses means is forcing people onto public transport or to walk in all sorts of weather. The buses, as constituents often tell me, are unreliable and sometimes don't turn up at all, and they're forced onto walk routes that aren't safe. It would be wonderful if we lived in a world where all walk routes were safe, they didn't have potholes and everyone could just get on a bike down a lane. Unfortunately, that is not the reality in 2026 of where we are after 26 years of your Government in power.
The situation is not okay in rural areas. Young girls on their own, on cold, dark mornings and evenings, on a public bus or walking alone is not acceptable. It is not okay for those young children suffering with some form of additional learning needs or disabilities, or, indeed, anxiety. And many bus stops, particularly in rural areas, aren't suitable for those with a disability, with safe drop-offs, with many in my own home constituency where you are dropped off in literally a hedge on a busy road. That's not okay. Children are left to walk unacceptable distances, at risk of getting hurt from oncoming traffic, as the petition outlines. Some are getting to school exhausted, wet or cold. Jenny Rathbone, you said, 'Get on a bike', but as I said before, potholes, dark days, rural areas, ages of children, sex of children, disabilities, there are lots of things—
Yr hyn y mae colli bysiau ysgol pwrpasol yn ei olygu yw gorfodi pobl ar drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus neu i gerdded ym mhob math o dywydd. Mae'r bysiau, fel y mae etholwyr yn aml yn dweud wrthyf, yn annibynadwy ac weithiau nid fyddant yn dod o gwbl, a chânt eu gorfodi ar lwybrau cerdded nad ydynt yn ddiogel. Byddai'n wych pe baem yn byw mewn byd lle mae pob llwybr cerdded yn ddiogel, lle nad oes ynddynt dyllau a lle gallai pawb fynd ar feic ar hyd lôn. Yn anffodus, nid dyna'r realiti yn 2026 ar ôl 26 mlynedd o'ch Llywodraeth mewn grym.
Nid yw'r sefyllfa'n iawn mewn ardaloedd gwledig. Nid yw merched ifanc ar eu pen eu hunain, ar foreau a nosweithiau oer, tywyll, ar fws cyhoeddus neu'n cerdded ar eu pen eu hunain yn dderbyniol. Nid yw'n iawn i blant ifanc sy'n dioddef o ryw fath o angen dysgu ychwanegol neu anabledd, neu orbryder yn wir. Ac mae llawer o safleoedd bysiau, yn enwedig mewn ardaloedd gwledig, heb fod yn addas i'r rhai sydd ag anabledd, gyda nifer o'r safleoedd hynny yn fy etholaeth fy hun yn fannau lle cewch eich gollwng yn llythrennol mewn gwrych ar ffordd brysur. Nid yw hynny'n iawn. Caiff plant eu gadael i gerdded pellteroedd annerbyniol, mewn perygl o gael eu hanafu gan draffig sy'n dod i'w cyfarfod, fel y noda'r ddeiseb. Mae rhai'n mynd i'r ysgol yn flinedig, yn wlyb neu'n oer. Jenny Rathbone, fe ddywedoch chi, 'Ewch ar eich beic', ond fel y dywedais o'r blaen, mae tyllau yn y ffyrdd, dyddiau tywyll, ardaloedd gwledig, oedran plant, rhyw plant, anableddau, mae yna lawer o bethau—
Could I just remind us that we are only talking about people who live fewer than 3 miles from the school? Anybody who lives more than 3 miles from the school is entitled to free transport, and there is no proposal to change that.
A gaf i ein hatgoffa mai dim ond am bobl sy'n byw lai na 3 milltir o'r ysgol y siaradwn? Mae gan unrhyw un sy'n byw dros 3 milltir o'r ysgol hawl i gludiant am ddim, ac nid oes cynnig i newid hynny.
We are very aware of that, Jenny, but if you live in a rural area, I welcome you to come—
Rydym yn ymwybodol iawn o hynny, Jenny, ond os ydych chi'n byw mewn ardal wledig, mae croeso i chi ddod—
There will not be a conversation between Members. You have had the intervention and it is up to the Member to respond.
Ni fydd sgwrs rhwng yr Aelodau. Rydych chi wedi cael yr ymyriad a lle'r Aelod yw ymateb.
I would love to welcome the Member to my part of Monmouthshire, where I will show her a very real situation of a constituency case I currently have where that 3 miles or 2 miles is completely different to walking in Cardiff, where the Member lives.
Also, when children get to school ridiculously early and the school is closed, they have to wait outside in the rain for unacceptable amounts of time before and after school, my son being one of them. Parents are also left picking up the tab sometimes, paying for buses, taxis, even driving themselves, as I have said, while others in different postcodes get free provision. This creates unacceptable disparities across Wales, as well. One family might pay nothing because their child qualifies under the strict rules, whilst their neighbour forks out hundreds of pounds a year. It's unfair, it's inconsistent and hitting hard-working families hardest, especially those on lower incomes who can't afford the extra costs.
Poor transport links, as we have heard, are directly linked to absenteeism and it is also putting young people off post-16 education. Parents shouldn't face a postcode lottery when it comes to their child's education. We also need to do more to increase access to Welsh-medium schools. The Welsh Government talks a big game about promoting the Welsh language—
Hoffwn groesawu'r Aelod i'm rhan i o sir Fynwy, lle dangosaf iddi sefyllfa real iawn o achos etholaethol sydd gennyf ar hyn o bryd lle mae'r 3 milltir neu 2 filltir yn hollol wahanol i gerdded yng Nghaerdydd, lle mae'r Aelod yn byw.
Hefyd, pan fydd plant yn cyrraedd yr ysgol yn chwerthinllyd o gynnar a bod yr ysgol ar gau, rhaid iddynt aros tu allan yn y glaw am amser annerbyniol o hir cyn ac ar ôl ysgol, ac mae fy mab yn un ohonynt. Mae rhieni hefyd yn cael eu gadael i dalu'r pris weithiau, talu am fysiau, tacsis, a gyrru eu hunain hyd yn oed, fel y dywedais, tra bod eraill mewn codau post gwahanol yn cael darpariaeth am ddim. Mae hyn yn creu gwahaniaethau annerbyniol ledled Cymru. Efallai na fydd un teulu'n talu ceiniog am fod eu plentyn yn gymwys o dan y rheolau llym, tra bod eu cymydog yn talu cannoedd o bunnoedd y flwyddyn. Mae'n annheg, mae'n anghyson ac yn taro teuluoedd gweithgar, yn enwedig y rhai ar incwm is na allant fforddio'r costau ychwanegol.
Mae cysylltiadau trafnidiaeth gwael, fel y clywsom, yn uniongyrchol gysylltiedig â lefelau absenoldeb uchel ac mae'n atal pobl ifanc rhag dewis addysg ôl-16. Ni ddylai rhieni wynebu loteri cod post mewn perthynas ag addysg eu plentyn. Mae angen inni wneud mwy i gynyddu mynediad at ysgolion cyfrwng Cymraeg. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n sôn llawer am hyrwyddo'r Gymraeg—
You need to conclude now, Laura, please.
Mae angen i chi ddod i ben nawr, Laura, os gwelwch yn dda.
I did take a couple of interventions—
Fe dderbyniais un neu ddau o ymyriadau—
I've given you two minutes of additional time for those interventions.
Rwyf wedi rhoi dau funud o amser ychwanegol i chi ar gyfer yr ymyriadau hynny.
But barriers like transport costs are putting parents off. Many families want their children to learn Welsh, and it's a proud part of our heritage, but these costs are putting people off, and that shouldn't be the case. Diolch.
Ond mae rhwystrau fel costau trafnidiaeth yn atal rhieni. Mae llawer o deuluoedd eisiau i'w plant ddysgu Cymraeg, ac mae'n rhan falch o'n treftadaeth, ond mae'r costau hyn yn atal pobl, ac ni ddylai hynny ddigwydd. Diolch.
Galwaf ar yr Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Drafnidiaeth a Gogledd Cymru, Ken Skates.
I call on the Cabinet Secretary for Transport and North Wales, Ken Skates.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'd like to thank all Members for their contributions to today's debate, and in particular the Petitions Committee for bringing forward these important petitions. I'd also like to acknowledge the hard work of campaigners and local groups, whose voices have helped to bring these issues to the forefront of our national conversation. The strength of feeling on learner travel is very clear indeed, and rightly so—this is an issue that touches on the lives of families, young people and communities across Wales.
We've heard today about challenges faced by learners and their families, and I'd like to assure all Members and the petitioners that the Welsh Government is listening. The petitions before us call for a review of school transport guidance and legislation, and I recognise the concerns and aspirations that have been raised. I've been clear that our approach must be collaborative, right across Government. Ministers are working very closely together here in the Welsh Government to find solutions, but it also requires cross-party work. Crucially, it requires work with our delivery partners in councils, schools and transport providers. There are no easy answers, but by working together, we can continue to make progress.
Over the course of this Senedd term, we've taken steps to address some of the challenges of learner travel, and although they may not answer the calls of the petitions, I do think it's important to recognise the work that has taken place. We've undertaken an internal review of the learner travel Measure, and I hear that there are some in and out of this Siambr who think this review didn't go far enough, but we must remember the financial context that we are working within.
Last year, I held a travel summit for learners, bringing together key partners for the first time to discuss practical solutions, and I'm committed to setting up work streams to take forward priority actions. We've also consulted on revised operational guidance. This is the first update in over a decade to this important document. And I was delighted to introduce the £1 bus fare for all young people, a national first in Wales. So far, over 36,000 young people have now signed up to the MyTravelPass, making education, training and employment more accessible and affordable.
Furthermore, over the course of this Senedd term, we've invested heavily to make school journeys safer and more sustainable. The safe routes in communities grant enhances walking, wheeling and cycling routes to schools alongside the active travel journeys programme and the walk to school programme. Together, these infrastructure improvements and behaviour change initiatives are creating safer streets and supporting sustainable travel options for school journeys—so too 20 mph hour around schools.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch i'r holl Aelodau am eu cyfraniadau i'r ddadl heddiw, ac yn arbennig i'r Pwyllgor Deisebau am gyflwyno'r deisebau pwysig hyn. Hefyd, hoffwn gydnabod gwaith caled ymgyrchwyr a grwpiau lleol y mae eu lleisiau wedi helpu i roi lle blaenllaw i'r materion hyn yn ein sgwrs genedlaethol. Mae cryfder y teimlad ynghylch teithio gan ddysgwyr yn glir iawn, ac yn briodol felly—mae hwn yn fater sy'n cyffwrdd â bywydau teuluoedd, pobl ifanc a chymunedau ledled Cymru.
Rydym wedi clywed heddiw am yr heriau sy'n wynebu dysgwyr a'u teuluoedd, a hoffwn sicrhau pob Aelod a'r deisebwyr fod Llywodraeth Cymru'n gwrando. Mae'r deisebau o'n blaenau yn galw am adolygu canllawiau a deddfwriaeth cludiant ysgol, ac rwy'n cydnabod y pryderon a'r dyheadau a nodwyd. Rwyf wedi bod yn glir fod yn rhaid i'n dull o weithredu fod yn gydweithredol, ar draws y Llywodraeth. Mae Gweinidogion yn gweithio'n agos iawn gyda'i gilydd yma yn Llywodraeth Cymru i ddod o hyd i atebion, ond mae angen gwaith trawsbleidiol yn ogystal. Yn hollbwysig, mae angen gweithio gyda'n partneriaid cyflawni mewn cynghorau, ysgolion a darparwyr trafnidiaeth. Nid oes atebion hawdd, ond trwy weithio gyda'n gilydd, gallwn barhau i wneud cynnydd.
Yn ystod tymor y Senedd hon, rydym wedi rhoi camau ar waith i fynd i'r afael â rhai o heriau teithio gan ddysgwyr, ac er efallai na fyddant yn ateb galwadau'r deisebau, credaf ei bod yn bwysig cydnabod y gwaith sydd wedi digwydd. Rydym wedi cynnal adolygiad mewnol o'r Mesur teithio gan ddysgwyr, ac rwy'n clywed bod rhai yn y Siambr a thu hwnt yn credu nad aeth yr adolygiad yn ddigon pell, ond mae'n rhaid inni gofio'r cyd-destun ariannol yr ydym yn gweithio o'i fewn.
Y llynedd, cynhaliais uwchgynhadledd ar deithio gan ddysgwyr, gan ddod â phartneriaid allweddol at ei gilydd am y tro cyntaf i drafod atebion ymarferol, ac rwy'n ymrwymedig i sefydlu ffrydiau gwaith i fwrw ymlaen â chamau blaenoriaeth. Rydym hefyd wedi ymgynghori ar ganllawiau gweithredu diwygiedig. Dyma'r diweddariad cyntaf mewn dros ddegawd i'r ddogfen bwysig hon. Ac roeddwn yn falch iawn o gyflwyno'r tocyn bws o £1 i bob person ifanc, y tro cyntaf i hynny ddigwydd yn genedlaethol. Hyd yn hyn, mae dros 36,000 o bobl ifanc wedi cofrestru ar Fy Ngherdyn Teithio, gan wneud addysg, hyfforddiant a chyflogaeth yn fwy hygyrch a fforddiadwy.
Ar ben hynny, yn ystod tymor y Senedd hon, rydym wedi buddsoddi'n helaeth i wneud teithiau ysgol yn fwy diogel ac yn fwy cynaliadwy. Mae'r grant llwybrau diogel mewn cymunedau yn gwella llwybrau cerdded, olwyno a beicio i ysgolion ochr yn ochr â'r rhaglen teithiau teithio llesol a'r rhaglen cerdded i'r ysgol. Gyda'i gilydd, mae'r gwelliannau seilwaith a'r mentrau newid ymddygiad hyn yn creu strydoedd mwy diogel ac yn cefnogi opsiynau teithio cynaliadwy ar gyfer teithiau ysgol—yn ogystal â 20 mya awr o amgylch ysgolion.
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Yes.
Gwnaf.
I wonder if you're aware of the work of the bike bus movement, because in Cardiff, they are excellent at getting young people, primary school children, to learn how to safely cycle together to school. It's certainly over a mile, down hilly roads. And because of the way in which they're marshalled, it is entirely safe.
Tybed a ydych chi'n ymwybodol o waith y mudiad bysiau beicio, oherwydd yng Nghaerdydd, maent yn ardderchog am gael pobl ifanc, plant ysgol gynradd, i ddysgu sut i feicio gyda'i gilydd yn ddiogel i'r ysgol. Mae'n sicr dros filltir, i lawr ffyrdd bryniog. Ac oherwydd y ffordd y cânt eu trefnu, mae'n gwbl ddiogel.
I am very aware of those schemes. They're schemes that the Welsh Government supports. I've participated in walking bus schemes as well in my own constituency, which are proving to be very popular with young people.
Also, I have to say, Dirprwy Lywydd, that my Cabinet colleagues have increased the household income threshold for the education maintenance allowance, providing support to an additional 3,500 students and invested £6.5 million this year alone in family engagement officers to help boost attendance.
We collectively worked together to improve the bus Bill across this Chamber. I'd like to thank those of you who helped put travelling to education front and centre in the legislation. This wasn't just a policy tweak. It's a bold commitment to make sure Wales's new bus service model can deliver for schools, colleges and universities. We're not just talking about change, we're making it happen, ensuring that accessible, reliable transport is a reality for all learners.
As part of our commitment to continuous improvement, I'm pleased to update you on some of the dedicated work streams established following the learner travel summit. I'll shortly be publishing the summary report following the consultation on the revised guidance. We aim to publish the final guidance by the end of this Senedd term.
Additionally, working in partnership with the Welsh Local Government Association, we're convening a series of structured sessions, both in person and online, focused on three challenge areas: post-16 transport, transport for learners with additional learning needs, and Welsh-medium learner transport. These sessions will bring together local authority representatives with all key delivery partners.
Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r cynlluniau hynny. Maent yn gynlluniau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cefnogi. Rwyf wedi cymryd rhan mewn cynlluniau bws cerdded hefyd yn fy etholaeth fy hun, sy'n boblogaidd iawn gyda phobl ifanc.
Hefyd, rhaid i mi ddweud, Ddirprwy Lywydd, fod fy nghyd-Aelodau yn y Cabinet wedi codi'r trothwy incwm aelwydydd ar gyfer y lwfans cynhaliaeth addysg, gan ddarparu cymorth i 3,500 o fyfyrwyr ychwanegol a buddsoddi £6.5 miliwn eleni'n unig mewn swyddogion ymgysylltu â theuluoedd i helpu i hybu lefelau presenoldeb.
Fe wnaethom weithio gyda'n gilydd i wella'r Bil bysiau ar draws y Siambr hon. Hoffwn ddiolch i'r rhai ohonoch a helpodd i roi lle blaenllaw i deithio at addysg yn y ddeddfwriaeth. Nid newid bach i bolisi oedd hwn. Mae'n ymrwymiad beiddgar i sicrhau bod model gwasanaeth bysiau newydd Cymru'n gallu darparu ar gyfer ysgolion, colegau a phrifysgolion. Nid dim ond siarad am newid a wnawn, ond gwneud iddo ddigwydd, gan sicrhau bod cludiant hygyrch, dibynadwy yn realiti i bob dysgwr.
Fel rhan o'n hymrwymiad i welliant parhaus, rwy'n falch o roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i chi am rai o'r ffrydiau gwaith pwrpasol a sefydlwyd yn dilyn yr uwchgynhadledd ar deithio gan ddysgwyr. Byddaf yn cyhoeddi'r adroddiad cryno cyn bo hir yn dilyn yr ymgynghoriad ar y canllawiau diwygiedig. Ein nod yw cyhoeddi'r canllawiau terfynol erbyn diwedd tymor y Senedd hon.
Yn ogystal, gan weithio mewn partneriaeth â Chymdeithas Llywodraeth Leol Cymru, rydym yn cynnull cyfres o sesiynau strwythuredig, wyneb yn wyneb ac ar-lein, sy'n canolbwyntio ar dri maes her: trafnidiaeth ôl-16, trafnidiaeth i ddysgwyr ag anghenion dysgu ychwanegol, a thrafnidiaeth i ddysgwyr cyfrwng Cymraeg. Bydd y sesiynau hyn yn dod â chynrychiolwyr awdurdodau lleol ynghyd gyda'r holl bartneriaid cyflawni allweddol.
Will the Member give way? Thank you. I really appreciate that, Cabinet Secretary. I just wanted to ask you a question, really. I recently visited Ysgol Gymraeg Gwynllyw in Torfaen in my area, and it's a Welsh-medium education facility, and to get there from the three surrounding constituencies, every single pupil from each different one were paying different fees to get there. Some were paying double the amount of another one. How is that fair? Are you working with the local government association to address that? Diolch.
A wnaiff yr Aelod ildio? Diolch. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi hynny'n fawr, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Roeddwn eisiau gofyn cwestiwn i chi, mewn gwirionedd. Yn ddiweddar, ymwelais ag Ysgol Gymraeg Gwynllyw yn Nhorfaen yn fy ardal i, ac mae'n gyfleuster addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg, ac i gyrraedd yno o'r tair etholaeth gyfagos, roedd pob disgybl o bob etholaeth wahanol yn talu ffioedd gwahanol i gyrraedd yno. Roedd disgyblion o un etholaeth yn talu dwbl y swm a dalai disgyblion o un o'r etholaethau eraill. Sut y mae hynny'n deg? A ydych chi'n gweithio gyda'r gymdeithas llywodraeth leol i fynd i'r afael â hynny? Diolch.
Yes, we're working with councils across Wales and with providers of transport to make sure that anomalies are ironed out, and there's a consistent approach. It would probably be worth taking your own leader there, as he, as Lee Waters has identified, is promising to cut support for school transport. He's called it an incredible waste of money, and I think if he were to get in charge of more councils in England, we'd see more cuts there through his DOGE enterprise.
Now, the outcomes of the work will be for consideration by the next Government to ensure that the voices and expertise of all partners inform the next steps in our learner travel strategy, and central to our approach—[Interruption.] Yes.
Ydym, rydym yn gweithio gyda chynghorau ledled Cymru a chyda darparwyr trafnidiaeth i wneud yn siŵr fod anghysondebau'n cael eu lleihau, a bod dull cyson o weithredu. Mae'n debyg y byddai'n werth mynd â'ch arweinydd eich hun yno, gan ei fod, fel y nododd Lee Waters, yn addo lleihau'r cymorth i gludiant ysgol. Mae wedi ei alw'n wastraff arian anhygoel, a phe bai'n cael cyfrifoldeb dros fwy o gynghorau yn Lloegr, rwy'n meddwl y byddem yn gweld mwy o doriadau yno trwy ei fenter DOGE.
Nawr, bydd canlyniadau'r gwaith i'w hystyried gan y Llywodraeth nesaf i sicrhau bod lleisiau ac arbenigedd yr holl bartneriaid yn llywio'r camau nesaf yn ein strategaeth deithio gan ddysgwyr, ac yn ganolog i'n dull gweithredu—[Torri ar draws.] Iawn.
Can I ask where the experience of learners and their parents are, as part of these work streams? Because, clearly, some of the responses I've seen from Welsh Government and then from local authority—local authorities seem to blame Welsh Government; Welsh Government are blaming how things are implemented by local authorities. So, when can we see that collaboration actually involving parents and pupils who are actually experiencing the reality on the ground?
A gaf i ofyn ble mae profiad dysgwyr a'u rhieni yn rhan o'r ffrydiau gwaith hyn? Oherwydd, yn amlwg, mae rhai o'r ymatebion a welais gan Lywodraeth Cymru ac yna gan awdurdodau lleol—mae'n ymddangos bod awdurdodau lleol yn beio Llywodraeth Cymru; mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn beio sut y caiff pethau eu gweithredu gan awdurdodau lleol. Felly, pryd y cawn ni weld y cydweithrediad hwnnw'n cynnwys rhieni a disgyblion sy'n profi'r realiti ar lawr gwlad?
Well, I'm pleased to say that we have engaged directly with young people, both through the Youth Parliament and through fora such as Citizens Cymru Wales. I'm determined to make sure that at future events, following the first learner travel summit, young people are fully represented, and their parents as well. So, I can assure the Member that the voice and lived experience of young people and their parents are being considered as part of changes that are being made. Their ideas have already shaped our policies, for example the introduction of the £1 fare scheme for young people and the ongoing refresh of the travel behaviour code, as well as, of course, the youth panel that we've set up within Transport for Wales. Young people on that panel are providing lived experience and ideas and solutions for the problems that they face, and we are implementing whatever we can.
And just talking about the Citizens Cymru Wales group, I met with them recently, and, yes, they did advocate—passionately, I have to say—for a reduction of the mileage threshold for secondary school children. But they also understood the practical and financial challenges involved in such a decision. It was fantastic to hear how much they'd benefited from our investment to ensure that we could deliver the £1 fare scheme, encouraging more young people to choose to use public transport because it's more affordable.
Costs have been raised by a number of Members today. Costs annually now exceed £205 million, and I understand that if we were to implement a policy of 2 miles instead of the 3-mile threshold, that would amount to an additional £80 million. This is money that should be spent on education. This is coming from education budgets. This is depriving young people of teachers, of enhanced education opportunities. [Interruption.] I'll take the intervention.
Wel, rwy'n falch o ddweud ein bod wedi ymgysylltu'n uniongyrchol â phobl ifanc, drwy'r Senedd Ieuenctid a thrwy fforymau fel Citizens Cymru Wales. Rwy'n benderfynol o wneud yn siŵr fod pobl ifanc yn cael eu cynrychioli'n llawn mewn digwyddiadau yn y dyfodol, ar ôl yr uwchgynhadledd teithio gan ddysgwyr gyntaf, a'u rhieni hefyd. Felly, gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod fod llais a phrofiad bywyd pobl ifanc a'u rhieni'n cael eu hystyried yn rhan o'r newidiadau sy'n cael eu gwneud. Mae eu syniadau eisoes wedi siapio ein polisïau, er enghraifft cyflwyno'r cynllun tocynnau £1 i bobl ifanc a'r gwaith sydd ar y gweill i adnewyddu'r cod ymddygiad teithio, yn ogystal â'r panel ieuenctid a sefydlwyd gennym o fewn Trafnidiaeth Cymru. Mae pobl ifanc ar y panel hwnnw'n darparu profiad bywyd a syniadau ac atebion i'r problemau y maent yn eu hwynebu, ac rydym yn gweithredu beth bynnag a allwn.
Ac wrth siarad am grŵp Citizens Cymru Wales, cyfarfûm â nhw yn ddiweddar, ac roeddent yn dadlau—yn angerddol, rhaid imi ddweud—dros leihau'r trothwy milltiredd i blant ysgol uwchradd. Ond roeddent hefyd yn deall yr heriau ymarferol ac ariannol sy'n gysylltiedig â phenderfyniad o'r fath. Roedd yn wych clywed faint oeddent wedi elwa o'n buddsoddiad i sicrhau ein bod yn gallu cyflawni'r cynllun tocynnau £1, gan annog mwy o bobl ifanc i ddewis defnyddio trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus oherwydd ei fod yn fwy fforddiadwy.
Mae nifer o Aelodau wedi tynnu sylw at gostau heddiw. Mae'r costau bob blwyddyn bellach yn fwy na £205 miliwn, ac rwy'n deall, pe baem yn gweithredu polisi o 2 filltir yn hytrach na'r trothwy 3 milltir, y byddai hynny'n gyfystyr ag £80 miliwn ychwanegol. Dyma arian y dylid ei wario ar addysg. Mae'n dod o gyllidebau addysg. Mae'n amddifadu pobl ifanc o athrawon, o gyfleoedd addysg estynedig. [Torri ar draws.] Fe dderbyniaf yr ymyriad.
Thank you. I'm sure you've seen the breakdown, as I have, on how that is spent, and a lot of that money is spent on private transfer, i.e. taxis, not on actual buses. Has the assessment been made—because of the changes, how much is actually having to be spent because the buses are not there, to transfer via taxi, and had there been a provision, if that would be a saving? I just want to understand, and be clear: all of that is not spent on buses, which we're specifically looking at here.
Diolch. Rwy'n siŵr eich bod wedi gweld y dadansoddiad, fel finnau, o sut y caiff hwnnw ei wario, ac mae llawer o'r arian hwnnw'n cael ei wario ar gludiant preifat, h.y. tacsis, nid ar fysiau go iawn. A yw'r asesiad wedi'i wneud—oherwydd y newidiadau, faint sy'n rhaid ei wario ar gludiant tacsi am nad yw'r bysiau yno, a phe bai darpariaeth ar gael, a fyddai hynny'n arbed arian? Rwyf eisiau deall, a bod yn glir, dyna'r cyfan: nid yw hynny i gyd yn cael ei wario ar fysiau, sef yr hyn rydym yn edrych arno'n benodol yma.
No. A huge amount of money is being spent on taxis, and one of the problems that we've got is that the market is not sufficient to be able to generate competitive prices, so it's driving up the overall costs. But if you reduce the threshold, then you're actually going to be increasing the number of people that will be using the taxis. The amount of buses that will be required, and not just the buses, the bus infrastructure around schools is prohibitive as well. These are all challenges that we were wrestling over at the learner travel summit and which we'll continue to work on.
There are no simple solutions. Janet, I know that you called for, by whatever means, getting the problem sorted, but there is no single solution to this. It's multifaceted, and that's why we're working together collaboratively across Governments and with service providers.
Now, I would like to acknowledge the vital role that councils play in delivering learner transport. We recognise the huge pressures they face, including financial constraints and the need to balance local and national priorities, and that's why we're supporting the sharing of best practice, collaboration and innovation to help to manage costs and improve provision. We continue to support the WLGA and the Association of Transport Co-ordinating Officers to share this best practice and resources, so that local authorities that are successfully delivering school transport to over 92,000 learners on a daily basis can learn from each other. I know that local authorities are continually trying to improve the services they deliver. I was really heartened to hear that some councils have been working closely with Cardiff University to see whether research that's being undertaken can help to support and improve their learner travel services, and I'm looking forward to seeing how this work progresses.
To those who have petitioned for change, I say this: your voices are being listened to. This Government's internal review of the Learner Travel (Wales) Measure has already led to a published recommendations report and we are acting on its key proposals. The updated guidance will reflect the latest legislation and the latest best practice and we are committed to ongoing dialogue with campaigners, councils and all interested parties. While we don't have the resources to do all that you'd like us to do, I have committed to meeting with the RCT campaign group to carry on this conversation.
In closing, I'd just like to reiterate my commitment and that of the Welsh Government to reduce barriers to education and ensure that no learner is left behind because of transport difficulties.
Na. Mae swm enfawr o arian yn cael ei wario ar dacsis, ac un o'r problemau sydd gennym yw nad yw'r farchnad yn ddigonol i allu cynhyrchu prisiau cystadleuol, felly mae'n gyrru'r costau cyffredinol i fyny. Ond pe baech chi'n gostwng y trothwy, rydych chi'n mynd i gynyddu nifer y bobl a fydd yn defnyddio'r tacsis. Mae'r nifer o fysiau y bydd eu hangen, ac nid y bysiau'n unig, mae'r seilwaith bysiau o amgylch ysgolion yn waharddol hefyd. Mae'r rhain i gyd yn heriau y buom yn ymlafnio drostynt yn yr uwchgynhadledd teithio gan ddysgwyr a byddwn yn parhau i weithio arnynt.
Nid oes unrhyw atebion syml. Janet, rwy'n gwybod eich bod wedi galw am ddatrys y broblem mewn unrhyw ffordd sy'n bosib, ond nid un ateb sydd i hyn. Mae'n amlweddog, a dyna pam ein bod yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd ar y cyd ar draws y Llywodraethau a chyda darparwyr gwasanaethau.
Nawr, hoffwn gydnabod y rôl hanfodol y mae cynghorau'n ei chwarae yn darparu cludiant i ddysgwyr. Rydym yn cydnabod y pwysau enfawr y maent yn eu hwynebu, gan gynnwys cyfyngiadau ariannol a'r angen i gydbwyso blaenoriaethau lleol a chenedlaethol, a dyna pam ein bod yn cefnogi rhannu arferion gorau, cydweithredu ac arloesi i helpu i reoli costau a gwella darpariaeth. Rydym yn parhau i gefnogi CLlLC a'r Gymdeithas Swyddogion Cydgysylltu Trafnidiaeth i rannu'r arferion gorau a'r adnoddau hyn, fel y gall awdurdodau lleol sy'n llwyddo i ddarparu cludiant ysgol i dros 92,000 o ddysgwyr o ddydd i ddydd ddysgu oddi wrth ei gilydd. Gwn fod awdurdodau lleol yn ceisio gwella'r gwasanaethau y maent yn eu darparu yn barhaus. Roedd hi'n galonogol iawn clywed bod rhai cynghorau wedi bod yn gweithio'n agos gyda Phrifysgol Caerdydd i weld a all ymchwil a wneir helpu i gefnogi a gwella eu gwasanaethau teithio i ddysgwyr, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen at weld sut y mae'r gwaith hwn yn mynd rhagddo.
I'r rhai sydd wedi deisebu am newid, rwy'n dweud hyn: mae eich lleisiau'n cael eu clywed. Mae adolygiad mewnol y Llywodraeth hon o'r Mesur Teithio gan Ddysgwyr (Cymru) eisoes wedi arwain at gyhoeddi adroddiad o argymhellion ac rydym yn gweithredu ar ei gynigion allweddol. Bydd y canllawiau diwygiedig yn adlewyrchu'r ddeddfwriaeth ddiweddaraf a'r arferion gorau diweddaraf ac rydym wedi ymrwymo i ddeialog barhaus gydag ymgyrchwyr, cynghorau a'r holl bartïon â diddordeb. Er nad oes gennym yr adnoddau i wneud popeth yr hoffech i ni eu gwneud, rwyf wedi ymrwymo i gyfarfod â grŵp ymgyrchu RhCT i barhau â'r sgwrs hon.
I gloi, hoffwn ailadrodd fy ymrwymiad i a Llywodraeth Cymru i leihau rhwystrau i addysg a sicrhau nad oes unrhyw ddysgwr yn cael ei adael ar ôl oherwydd anawsterau cludiant.
Galwaf ar Carolyn Thomas i ymateb i'r ddadl.
I call on Carolyn Thomas to reply to the debate.
I'd like to thank all Members for their contributions and I'd like to thank the petitioners as well for collecting a huge number for their petition and for being here today. Starting off, there was a discussion about fear. So, some routes that might be deemed not hazardous don't actually capture the fear of parents and pupils who are having to walk to school. It's a big issue. How do we overcome that and take that into consideration? There was also a discussion about parents having to give up work so that they can transport their children to school, and that has a financial impact.
Learners are not being able to access Welsh-medium education because they have to have transport to the nearest school, which might not be Welsh-medium but English-medium. But I do know that some schools do keep that as a policy, so there is inconsistency across local authorities, where they will transport pupils to the nearest Welsh-medium school. So, perhaps that's something to be considered, going forward.
Pupils arrive drenched, with books, and Jenny mentioned these heavy bags—6 kg. Perhaps, working with schools, something could be done to make sure that a child has a locker or some provision to store their books as well. And if they go to after-school clubs as well, children should be able to access the after-school clubs and have music lessons. At one time, schools used to provide after-school transport as well, but because of cuts and financial constraints, that has impacted on that. I would like to declare that I used to be a cabinet member in charge of transport, including school transport, so I have experience of this.
Rhys talked about his children being able to walk in Cardiff, and I've seen children being able to walk and scoot in Cardiff on safe routes, which is wonderful to see, and those cycle routes. And I'm glad that the Government is investing also where children are able to do that. I visited a school in Rhyl, where there was an issue with cars parking outside schools and it was really dangerous. So, they've implemented a walking and cycling route with funding from Welsh Government and working with active travel as well, which is really good to see, if that can happen, and safe places. But we understand that geography needs to be taken into consideration, because in some areas it's just too hilly. I know that, in RCT, it's been discussed, that change from 2.5 miles to 3 miles, but it's a very hilly area, especially with walking.
Rhys also mentioned why can't pupils purchase a seat on an empty bus. I know that that's something that one local authority did, and I asked about that. It was £350 a year, which is a lot of money, but I was told that that was actually subsidised. At the time, it cost £700 per pupil to transport them to school. And I know from being a member of the Local Government and Housing Committee that, since COVID, it's increased by 40 per cent to about an average of £1,200 per pupil per year to transport them to school. Laura Anne, I know that you mentioned that everybody should have access to transport, but there is a cost implication, and if there isn't the funding, because school transport is very often funded through the education transport budget, and it's very often 25 per cent of the budget, which is something that's been considered as well, so—.
Janet mentioned about children arriving in different taxis, and the costs of that. I know many local authorities try and so a review every now and again to see if that can be done differently, and that is an issue.
Cabinet Secretary, I'm very pleased with your response, that there is a review taking place. This has been discussed many times, Laura Anne and others have said, here in the Chamber. But there is a review. There are no easy answers, but you are working with partners for solutions. Heledd talked about the importance of bringing in parents and children as well into that. [Interruption.] Heledd, did you want to make an intervention?
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r holl Aelodau am eu cyfraniadau a hoffwn ddiolch i'r deisebwyr hefyd am gasglu nifer enfawr o enwau ar gyfer eu deiseb ac am fod yma heddiw. I ddechrau, cafwyd trafodaeth ynglŷn ag ofn. Felly, nid yw rhai llwybrau y gellid eu hystyried yn rhai nad ydynt yn beryglus yn lleddfu ofn rhieni a disgyblion sy'n gorfod cerdded i'r ysgol. Mae'n broblem fawr. Sut y mae goresgyn ac ystyried hynny? Cafwyd trafodaeth hefyd am rieni'n gorfod rhoi'r gorau i weithio er mwyn iddynt allu cludo eu plant i'r ysgol, ac mae effaith ariannol i hynny.
Nid yw dysgwyr yn gallu cael mynediad at addysg cyfrwng Cymraeg am fod rhaid iddynt gael cludiant i'r ysgol agosaf, nad yw'n un gyfrwng Cymraeg ond sy'n ysgol cyfrwng Saesneg. Ond rwy'n gwybod bod rhai ysgolion yn cadw hynny fel polisi, felly mae anghysondeb ar draws awdurdodau lleol, lle byddant yn cludo disgyblion i'r ysgol cyfrwng Cymraeg agosaf. Felly, efallai fod hynny'n rhywbeth i'w ystyried, wrth symud ymlaen.
Mae'r disgyblion yn cyrraedd yn wlyb at eu crwyn, gyda llyfrau, a soniodd Jenny am y bagiau trwm—6 kg. Efallai, gan weithio gydag ysgolion, y gellid gwneud rhywbeth i wneud yn siŵr fod gan blentyn gwpwrdd clo neu ryw ddarpariaeth i storio eu llyfrau. Ac os ydynt yn mynd i glybiau ar ôl ysgol, dylai plant allu mynd i'r clybiau ar ôl ysgol a chael gwersi cerddoriaeth. Ar un adeg, roedd ysgolion yn arfer darparu cludiant ar ôl ysgol hefyd, ond mae toriadau a chyfyngiadau ariannol wedi effeithio ar hynny. Hoffwn ddatgan fy mod yn arfer bod yn aelod cabinet a oedd yn gyfrifol am drafnidiaeth, gan gynnwys cludiant ysgol, felly mae gennyf brofiad o hyn.
Soniodd Rhys am ei blant yn gallu cerdded yng Nghaerdydd, ac rwyf wedi gweld plant yn gallu cerdded a sgwtio yng Nghaerdydd ar lwybrau diogel, sy'n wych i'w weld, a'r llwybrau beicio hynny. Ac rwy'n falch fod y Llywodraeth yn buddsoddi lle mae plant yn gallu gwneud hynny. Ymwelais ag ysgol yn y Rhyl, lle roedd problem gyda cheir yn parcio y tu allan i ysgolion ac roedd yn beryglus iawn. Felly, maent wedi gweithredu llwybr cerdded a beicio gyda chyllid gan Lywodraeth Cymru a chan weithio gyda theithio llesol hefyd, sy'n dda iawn i'w weld, os gall hynny ddigwydd, a llefydd diogel. Ond rydym yn deall bod angen ystyried daearyddiaeth, oherwydd mewn rhai ardaloedd mae'n rhy fryniog. Rwy'n gwybod ei fod wedi'i drafod a bod hynny'n newid o 2.5 milltir i 3 milltir yn Rhondda Cynon Taf, ond mae'n ardal fryniog iawn, yn enwedig wrth gerdded.
Soniodd Rhys hefyd pam na all disgyblion brynu sedd ar fws gwag. Rwy'n gwybod bod hynny'n rhywbeth a wnaeth un awdurdod lleol, a gofynnais am hynny. Roedd yn £350 y flwyddyn, sy'n llawer o arian, ond dywedwyd wrthyf fod hynny'n cael ei sybsideiddio mewn gwirionedd. Ar y pryd, roedd hi'n costio £700 y disgybl i'w cludo i'r ysgol. Ac rwy'n gwybod o fod yn aelod o'r Pwyllgor Llywodraeth Leol a Thai, ers COVID, ei fod wedi cynyddu 40 y cant i tua £1,200 y disgybl y flwyddyn ar gyfartaledd i'w cludo i'r ysgol. Laura Anne, gwn eich bod wedi sôn y dylai pawb gael mynediad at drafnidiaeth, ond mae goblygiad cost, ac os nad oes cyllid, am fod trafnidiaeth ysgol yn aml iawn yn cael ei ariannu drwy'r gyllideb trafnidiaeth addysg, ac mae'n aml iawn yn 25 y cant o'r gyllideb, sy'n rhywbeth sydd wedi'i ystyried hefyd, felly—.
Soniodd Janet am blant sy'n cyrraedd mewn gwahanol dacsis, a chostau hynny. Rwy'n gwybod bod llawer o awdurdodau lleol yn ceisio gwneud adolygiad bob hyn a hyn i weld a ellir gwneud hynny'n wahanol, ac mae hynny'n fater sy'n codi.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, rwy'n falch iawn o'ch ymateb, fod adolygiad yn digwydd. Dywedodd Laura Anne ac eraill fod hyn wedi cael ei drafod sawl gwaith yma yn y Siambr. Ond mae yna adolygiad. Nid oes atebion hawdd, ond rydych chi'n gweithio gyda phartneriaid i ddod o hyd i atebion. Soniodd Heledd am bwysigrwydd dod â rhieni a phlant i mewn i hynny hefyd. [Torri ar draws.] Heledd, oeddech chi eisiau gwneud ymyriad?
Thank you for taking that intervention. I'm really pleased that you have outlined it so clearly, and it's great to see that the Petitions Committee is engaging with campaigners. I think it's just that lack of progress over this whole Senedd term at the moment, and the fact that it's being left to the next Government. I wonder if there are things that we can give as commitments today.
One issue I haven't been able to raise, or we haven't heard, is about some pupils and learners being punished for arriving to school late, so if buses don't arrive, getting negative points or receiving detention. Are there some things we can do immediately to ensure that children aren't punished because there's no access to education, or if a road is flooded and they can't go their usual route and so on? There are some things where they're being penalised at the moment through no fault of their own, and they're trying desperately to access education.
Diolch am dderbyn yr ymyriad. Rwy'n falch iawn eich bod wedi ei amlinellu mor glir, ac mae'n wych gweld bod y Pwyllgor Deisebau yn ymgysylltu ag ymgyrchwyr. Rwy'n credu mai'r broblem yw'r diffyg cynnydd dros dymor cyfan yn y Senedd ar hyn o bryd, a'r ffaith ei fod yn cael ei adael i'r Llywodraeth nesaf. Tybed a oes yna bethau y gallwn eu rhoi fel ymrwymiadau heddiw.
Un mater nad wyf wedi gallu ei godi, neu nad ydym wedi ei glywed, yw bod rhai disgyblion a dysgwyr yn cael eu cosbi am gyrraedd yr ysgol yn hwyr, felly os nad yw bysiau'n cyrraedd, maent yn cael pwyntiau negyddol neu gael eu cadw ar ôl ysgol. A oes pethau y gallwn eu gwneud ar unwaith i sicrhau nad yw plant yn cael eu cosbi am nad oes mynediad at addysg, neu os oes llifogydd ar ffordd ac na allant fynd ar eu llwybr arferol ac yn y blaen? Mae yna rai pethau lle maent yn cael eu cosbi ar hyn o bryd heb fod unrhyw fai arnynt hwy, ac maent yn gwneud eu gorau glas i gael mynediad at addysg.
The Cabinet Secretary for Education is here today and listening to this whole debate, and this is something we could pick up as well. Thank you for the intervention.
As I said, there are no easy answers. We're working with partners. Hopefully—. We need to consider the views of children and parents. To sum up, I just want to quote what Cefin said earlier, that 'education should open doors', but transport should not be a barrier. Thank you.
Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg yma heddiw ac yn gwrando ar y ddadl hon, ac mae hyn yn rhywbeth y gallem ei godi hefyd. Diolch am yr ymyriad.
Fel y dywedais, nid oes atebion hawdd. Rydym yn gweithio gyda phartneriaid. Gobeithio—. Mae angen inni ystyried barn plant a rhieni. I grynhoi, rwyf am ddyfynnu'r hyn a ddywedodd Cefin yn gynharach, y dylai 'addysg agor drysau', ond ni ddylai trafnidiaeth fod yn rhwystr. Diolch.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid nodi'r ddeiseb? A oes unrhyw Aelod un gwrthwynebu? Nac oes. Felly, derbynnir y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
The proposal is to note the petition. Does any Member object? No. The motion is therefore agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Derbyniwyd y cynnig yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Motion agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Before we move on to the next item, Janet Finch-Saunders raised a point of order during the debate. We have checked the record and broadcasting, and even though I didn't hear it, it is recorded as being a comment referring to a member as a 'hypocrite'. That is not appropriate language in this Chamber, for any Member to call another Member a hypocrite. Each of us has our own opinions, and those opinions sometimes are not necessarily the same as the opinions of the party they represent. Therefore, there is no such thing as a hypocrite; you make your own positions. Therefore, I will ask the Member who made the comment to withdraw the comment, please, to ensure that that is correct, proper process.
Cyn inni symud ymlaen at yr eitem nesaf, cododd Janet Finch-Saunders bwynt o drefn yn ystod y ddadl. Rydym wedi gwirio'r cofnod a'r darllediad, ac er na wneuthum ei glywed, mae wedi ei gofnodi fel sylw sy'n cyfeirio at aelod fel rhagrithiwr ('hypocrite'). Nid yw'n iaith briodol yn y Siambr hon i unrhyw Aelod alw Aelod arall yn rhagrithiwr. Mae gan bob un ohonom ein barn ein hunain, ac nid yw'r farn honno o reidrwydd yr un fath â barn y blaid y maent yn ei chynrychioli. Felly, nid oes y fath beth â rhagrithiwr; rydych chi'n gwneud eich safbwyntiau eich hun. Felly, gofynnaf i'r Aelod a wnaeth y sylw dynnu'r sylw yn ôl, os gwelwch yn dda, i sicrhau bod honno'n broses gywir, briodol.
Chair, I consider saying one thing and doing another to be the definition of a hypocrite, but I hear what you say about decorum in this Chamber, and I would be happy to withdraw the language.
Gadeirydd, rwy'n ystyried dweud un peth a gwneud rhywbeth arall yn ddiffiniad o ragrithiwr, ond clywaf yr hyn a ddywedwch am weddustra yn y Siambr, ac rwy'n hapus i dynnu'r iaith yn ôl.
Thank you.
Diolch.
Detholwyd y gwelliant canlynol: gwelliant 1 yn enw Heledd Fychan.
The following amendment has been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Heledd Fychan.
Eitem 7 heddiw yw dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ar dreth trafodiadau tir. Galwaf ar Joel James i wneud y cynnig.
Item 7 today is the Welsh Conservatives' debate on the land transaction tax. I call on Joel James to move the motion.
Cynnig NDM9100 Paul Davies
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi galwadau'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig i ddileu treth trafodiadau tir ar gyfer prif breswylfeydd yng Nghymru.
Motion NDM9100 Paul Davies
To propose that the Senedd:
Calls on the Welsh Government to support Welsh Conservative calls to scrap land transaction tax for primary residences in Wales.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd. I'm pleased to open this debate in the name of my Welsh Conservative colleague Paul Davies.
We have to be honest about the reality facing far too many people in Wales today. Too many people are living in homes that simply don't suit their needs anymore, and they stay in these homes not because they want to, but because moving has become too difficult, too expensive and, frankly, too daunting. There's a real psychological barrier here. People look at the cost of moving and decide it's not worth it. Property taxes, like the land transaction tax, push up the upfront costs of moving home, and this actively discourages people from making changes that they would otherwise make.
When it costs thousands and even tens of thousands of pounds just to move, people stay put. Older people remain in large family homes long after their children have moved out, which costs disproportionately more to heat and maintain. Families who need more space can't find it, and people won't even relocate for work, even when the opportunity is there. The result is a housing system that is clogged up: homes in the wrong hands, in the wrong places and at the wrong time.
Evidence shows that if we remove these barriers, things start to move again—literally. Research looking at the equivalent tax in England suggests that scrapping property transaction tax could increase home owner mobility by more than 50 per cent. That means tens of thousands more homes coming on to the market every year, it unlocks properties that are currently stuck, boosts resale activity, and encourages new homes to be built as well. A housing market that moves more freely also helps people move to where the jobs are, improving productivity and opportunity across the economy. [Interruption.] Let me just carry on a little bit, and then I'll bring you in.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n falch o agor y ddadl hon yn enw fy nghyd-Aelod o'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, Paul Davies.
Rhaid inni fod yn onest am y realiti sy'n wynebu gormod o bobl yng Nghymru heddiw. Mae gormod o bobl yn byw mewn cartrefi nad ydynt yn addas i'w hanghenion mwyach, ac maent yn aros yn y cartrefi hyn, nid oherwydd eu bod eisiau, ond oherwydd bod symud wedi dod yn rhy anodd, yn rhy ddrud, ac yn rhy frawychus, a bod yn onest. Mae yna rwystr seicolegol go iawn yma. Mae pobl yn edrych ar y gost o symud ac yn penderfynu nad yw'n werth gwneud hynny. Mae trethi eiddo, fel y dreth trafodiadau tir, yn codi costau yr eir iddynt ymlaen llaw wrth symud cartref, ac mae hyn yn atal pobl rhag gwneud newidiadau y byddent fel arall yn eu gwneud.
Pan fo'n costio miloedd a hyd yn oed degau o filoedd o bunnoedd i symud, mae pobl yn aros lle maent. Mae pobl hŷn yn aros mewn cartrefi teuluol mawr ymhell ar ôl i'w plant symud allan, tai sy'n costio swm anghymesur o fawr i'w gwresogi a'u cynnal. Nid yw teuluoedd sydd angen mwy o le yn gallu dod o hyd iddo, ac ni fydd pobl yn symud ar gyfer gwaith hyd yn oed pan fo'r cyfle yno. Y canlyniad yw system dai wedi'i thagu: cartrefi yn y dwylo anghywir, yn y lleoedd anghywir ar yr adeg anghywir.
Os ydym yn dileu'r rhwystrau hyn, dengys y dystiolaeth fod pethau'n dechrau symud eto—yn llythrennol. Mae ymchwil sy'n edrych ar y dreth gyfatebol yn Lloegr yn awgrymu y gallai cael gwared ar y dreth drafodiadau eiddo gynyddu symudedd perchnogion cartrefi fwy na 50 y cant. Mae hynny'n golygu y byddai degau o filoedd yn fwy o gartrefi'n dod ar y farchnad bob blwyddyn, mae'n datgloi eiddo nad yw'n cael ei werthu ar hyn o bryd, yn rhoi hwb i weithgarwch ailwerthu, ac yn annog cartrefi newydd i gael eu hadeiladu hefyd. Mae marchnad dai sy'n symud yn fwy rhydd hefyd yn helpu pobl i symud i ble mae'r swyddi, gan wella cynhyrchiant a chyfleoedd ar draws yr economi. [Torri ar draws.] Gadewch imi barhau am ychydig, ac yna fe ddof â chi i mewn.
Dirprwy Lywydd, I and my party believe that this matters for growth. Transaction taxes act like sand in the gears of the housing system. They discourage turnover and trap people in homes that no longer work for them. Remove that friction and you free up supply. Developers have more confidence to build, people are more willing to move, and the wider economy benefits. Research on stamp duty in England suggests that abolishing it could boost economic activity up to £20 billion a year through construction, consumer spending and labour mobility. The numbers may differ here in Wales, but the basic mechanics are exactly the same. From a pure economics point of view, these taxes are also widely seen as inefficient, that they create what economists call 'deadweight loss', in other words, economic damage that's bigger than the revenue that they raise, because they stop sensible, mutually beneficial transactions from happening. Compared with taxes on income or spending, property transaction taxes are among some of the most damaging to economic efficiency.
There's also a fairness issue. Land transaction tax has to be paid up front. That means buyers need a lot more cash on the day they complete. For first-time buyers and younger households without big savings, that's a huge barrier. It can trap people in homes, neighbourhoods and even jobs that no longer fit their lives.
We have to be realistic. Abolishing land transaction tax wouldn't fix every affordability problem, but it would remove one of the biggest cash-flow hurdles people face when trying to move. And beyond the economics, the system itself breeds resentment and confusion. People don't just dislike paying the tax—they often struggle to understand it. Even high-profile politicians have fallen foul of these rules. The former Labour Deputy Prime Minister, Angela Rayner, for example, was found to have underpaid stamp duty by a whopping £40,000. This just goes to show how complex and unforgiving the system truly is.
Land transaction tax relies on self-assessment, multiple reliefs and intricate rules that are easy to get wrong and costly to challenge. Scrapping it would simplify the tax system, reduce disputes and administrative costs, and make buying and selling a home far more transparent and predictable for ordinary people. Lower transaction costs would also bring wider social benefits. They'd make it easier for people to relocate for work and support a more flexible labour market. They'd make it easier for older homeowners to downsize, freeing up larger homes for families and make better use of the housing stock we already have.
We also know from research, much of it highlighted during the stamp duty holiday, that moving home doesn't just shift bricks and mortar. Moving triggers higher spending as well. People renovate, they fit new kitchens and bathrooms, they buy furniture, carpets, appliances. Studies show that movers are far more likely to spend on home improvements and household goods, both before and after a move. Spending peaks shortly after moving and stays higher for around a year. That's real economic activity flowing through local businesses and supply chains.
Of course, critics raise concerns, and they deserve to be taken seriously. One common argument is that scrapping a transaction tax just pushes prices up. There's some truth in the idea that prices respond in the short term, but the evidence from stamp duty holidays shows that, while prices may rise, transactions rise sharply too. More people move, more homes change hands. The truth is, over the long term, house prices are driven far more by supply, planning and borrowing costs than by transaction taxes alone. Removing transaction tax lowers a barrier. It doesn't pretend to solve the housing shortage on its own.
Others worry about the loss of public revenue. Land transaction tax does raise money for public services. But only looking at the headline loss misses the bigger picture. More transactions mean more construction, more jobs, more spending and more tax revenue from income tax, VAT, corporation tax and capital gains. Those dynamic effects I believe would more than compensate for the revenue brought in by land transaction tax.
The socialists here will no doubt raise concern that the winners would only be wealthier households, as we heard our First Minister tried to do yesterday. But that is simply not true. A more fluid housing market benefits everyone. Increased turnover releases homes at all price points; easier downsizing frees up family homes. Evidence from stamp duty holidays shows increased activity, not just at the top end but across the middle and lower parts of the market too. Scrapping LTT won't magically make housing affordable overnight, and no serious reform claims that it will, but it does make the system work better, it helps people move when they need to, it improves how we use the homes we already have, and it supports growth while longer term supply reforms take effect.
So, when you put it all together, the picture is clear: land transaction tax doesn't just raise revenue, it shapes behaviour, and right now it's encouraging people to stay where they are. Removing it would help create a housing market that works better for the people of Wales at every stage and help create an economy that's more dynamic, more productive and fairer as a result. And that's why I urge everyone here to support our motion. Thank you.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, rwyf i a fy mhlaid yn credu bod hyn yn bwysig i dwf. Mae trethi trafodiadau'n gweithredu fel llyffethair yn y system dai. Maent yn atal trosiant ac yn caethiwo pobl mewn cartrefi nad ydynt yn gweithio iddynt mwyach. Tynnwch y llyffethair ac rydych chi'n rhyddhau cyflenwad. Mae gan ddatblygwyr fwy o hyder i adeiladu, mae pobl yn fwy parod i symud, ac mae'r economi ehangach yn elwa. Mae ymchwil ar dreth stamp yn Lloegr yn awgrymu y gallai ei dileu roi hwb o hyd at £20 biliwn y flwyddyn i weithgarwch economaidd trwy waith adeiladu, gwariant defnyddwyr a symudedd llafur. Mae'n bosib fod y niferoedd yn wahanol yma yng Nghymru, ond mae'r fecaneg sylfaenol yn union yr un fath. O safbwynt economeg pur, mae'r trethi hyn hefyd yn cael eu hystyried yn aneffeithlon, maent yn creu'r hyn y mae economegwyr yn ei alw'n 'golled ddifuddiant', neu mewn geiriau eraill, niwed economaidd sy'n fwy na'r refeniw y maent yn ei godi, am eu bod yn atal trafodiadau synhwyrol, cydfuddiannol rhag digwydd. O'i gymharu â threthi ar incwm neu wariant, mae trethi trafodiadau eiddo ymhlith rhai o'r trethi mwyaf niweidiol i effeithlonrwydd economaidd.
Mae yna gwestiwn yn codi hefyd mewn perthynas â thegwch. Rhaid talu treth trafodiadau tir ymlaen llaw. Mae hynny'n golygu bod angen llawer mwy o arian parod ar brynwyr ar y diwrnod y maent yn cwblhau. Ar gyfer prynwyr tro cyntaf ac aelwydydd iau heb gynilion mawr, mae hynny'n rhwystr enfawr. Gall gaethiwo pobl mewn cartrefi, cymdogaethau a hyd yn oed swyddi nad ydynt bellach yn gweddu i'w bywydau.
Rhaid inni fod yn realistig. Ni fyddai diddymu treth trafodiadau tir yn datrys pob problem fforddiadwyedd, ond byddai'n dileu un o'r rhwystrau llif arian mwyaf y mae pobl yn eu hwynebu wrth geisio symud. A thu hwnt i'r economeg, mae'r system ei hun yn magu dicter a dryswch. Nid casáu talu'r dreth yn unig y mae pobl—yn aml, maent yn cael trafferth ei deall. Mae hyd yn oed gwleidyddion proffil uchel wedi methu dilyn y rheolau hyn. Canfuwyd bod y cyn-Ddirprwy Brif Weinidog Llafur, Angela Rayner, er enghraifft, wedi tandalu £40,000 o dreth stamp. Mae hyn yn dangos pa mor gymhleth a didrugaredd yw'r system mewn gwirionedd.
Mae treth trafodiadau tir yn dibynnu ar hunanasesiad, rhyddhadau lluosog a rheolau cymhleth sy'n hawdd eu cael yn anghywir ac yn gostus i'w herio. Byddai cael ei gwared yn symleiddio'r system dreth, yn lleihau anghydfodau a chostau gweinyddol, ac yn gwneud prynu a gwerthu cartref yn broses lawer mwy tryloyw a hawdd ei rhagweld i bobl gyffredin. Byddai costau trafodiadau is hefyd yn dod â buddion cymdeithasol ehangach. Byddent yn ei gwneud hi'n haws i bobl adleoli ar gyfer gwaith ac yn cefnogi marchnad lafur fwy hyblyg. Byddent yn ei gwneud hi'n haws i berchnogion tai hŷn symud i gartref llai, gan ryddhau cartrefi mwy i deuluoedd a gwneud gwell defnydd o'r stoc dai sydd gennym eisoes.
Rydym hefyd yn gwybod o waith ymchwil, gyda llawer ohono wedi'i amlygu yn ystod y seibiant treth stamp, nad mater syml o newid brics a morter yw symud cartref. Mae symud yn sbarduno gwariant uwch hefyd. Mae pobl yn adnewyddu, maent yn gosod ceginau ac ystafelloedd ymolchi newydd, maent yn prynu dodrefn, carpedi, offer. Mae astudiaethau'n dangos bod pobl sy'n symud yn llawer mwy tebygol o wario ar welliannau i'r cartref a nwyddau cartref, cyn ac ar ôl symud. Mae gwariant yn cyrraedd uchafbwynt yn fuan ar ôl symud ac yn aros yn uwch am oddeutu blwyddyn. Dyna weithgarwch economaidd go iawn yn llifo trwy fusnesau a chadwyni cyflenwi lleol.
Wrth gwrs, mae beirniaid yn codi pryderon, ac maent yn haeddu cael eu cymryd o ddifrif. Un ddadl gyffredin yw bod cael gwared ar dreth drafodiadau'n gwthio prisiau i fyny. Mae rhywfaint o wirionedd yn y syniad fod prisiau'n ymateb yn y tymor byr, ond mae'r dystiolaeth o'r seibiant treth stamp yn dangos, er y gall prisiau godi, fod trafodiadau'n codi'n sydyn hefyd. Mae mwy o bobl yn symud, mwy o gartrefi'n newid dwylo. Y gwir amdani, dros y tymor hir, yw bod prisiau tai'n cael eu gyrru lawer mwy gan gostau cyflenwi, cynllunio a benthyca na threthi trafodiadau'n unig. Mae dileu treth trafodiadau'n lleihau rhwystr. Nid yw'n esgus datrys y prinder tai ar ei ben ei hun.
Mae eraill yn poeni am golli refeniw cyhoeddus. Mae treth trafodiadau tir yn codi arian ar gyfer gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Ond mae edrych ar y brif golled yn unig yn colli golwg ar y darlun ehangach. Mae mwy o drafodiadau'n golygu mwy o adeiladu, mwy o swyddi, mwy o wariant a mwy o refeniw treth o dreth incwm, TAW, treth gorfforaeth ac enillion cyfalaf. Credaf y byddai'r effeithiau deinamig hynny'n mwy na gwneud iawn am y refeniw a gyflwynir gan dreth trafodiadau tir.
Heb amheuaeth, bydd y sosialwyr yma'n codi pryderon mai aelwydydd cyfoethocach fyddai'r enillwyr, fel y clywsom ein Prif Weinidog yn ceisio ei wneud ddoe. Ond nid yw hynny'n wir. Mae marchnad dai fwy hylifol o fudd i bawb. Mae trosiant cynyddol yn rhyddhau cartrefi ar bob pwynt pris; mae gallu symud yn haws i dai llai yn rhyddhau cartrefi teuluol. Mae tystiolaeth o seibiant treth stamp yn dangos mwy o weithgarwch, nid yn unig yn y pen uchaf ond ar draws rhannau canol ac isaf y farchnad hefyd. Ni fydd cael gwared ar y dreth trafodiadau tir yn gwneud tai'n fforddiadwy dros nos, ac nid oes unrhyw ddiwygiad difrifol yn honni y bydd, ond mae'n gwneud i'r system weithio'n well, mae'n helpu pobl i symud pan fyddant angen, mae'n gwella sut y defnyddiwn y cartrefi sydd gennym eisoes, ac mae'n cefnogi twf tra bod diwygiadau cyflenwi mwy hirdymor yn dod yn weithredol.
Felly, pan fyddwch chi'n ei roi i gyd at ei gilydd, mae'r darlun yn glir: nid codi refeniw yn unig y mae treth trafodiadau tir yn ei wneud, mae'n siapio ymddygiad, ac ar hyn o bryd mae'n annog pobl i aros lle maent. Byddai cael gwared arni yn helpu i greu marchnad dai sy'n gweithio'n well i bobl Cymru ar bob cam ac yn helpu i greu economi sy'n fwy deinamig, yn fwy cynhyrchiol ac yn decach o ganlyniad. A dyna pam rwy'n annog pawb yma i gefnogi ein cynnig. Diolch.
Rwyf wedi dethol y gwelliant i'r cynnig. Galwaf ar Heledd Fychan i gynnig gwelliant 1 yn ei henw ei hun.
I have selected the amendment to the motion, and I call on Heledd Fychan to move amendment 1, tabled in her own name.
Gwelliant 1—Heledd Fychan
Dileu popeth a rhoi yn ei le:
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i:
a) archwilio diwygio pellach i'r system dreth fel dull o ddisodli’r dreth trafodiadau tir yn y pen draw mewn modd cynaliadwy; a
b) mynnu datganoli pellach o bwerau treth i Gymru gan San Steffan, gan gynnwys y gallu i gyflwyno treth tir gwag a'r gallu i osod bandiau treth incwm penodol i Gymru.
Amendment 1—Heledd Fychan
Delete all and replace with:
To propose that the Senedd:
Calls on the Welsh Government to:
a) explore further reforms to the tax system as a means of eventually replacing land transaction tax in a sustainable manner; and
b) request from Westminster the further devolution of tax powers to Wales, including the ability to introduce a vacant land tax and the ability to set Welsh-specific income tax bands.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1.
Amendment 1 moved.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Well, obviously, from that contribution, the Tory party's approach to policy making in Wales is, 'For Wales, see England', because all the evidence I heard there was based on assessments in England, not here in Wales, where the thresholds are different, where average house prices are different, and I would like to see the Conservative Party actually base their policies on the actual reality here in Wales. James Evans was on Sharp End last night accusing people of fantasy economics. Well, this is fantasy policy making, based on no reality and no substance here. [Interruption.] No, I won't, because you will have your contributions, and the first speaker refused to take my intervention where I wanted to make these points. You will have your opportunity—it's your debate. And unlike—[Interruption.] No. Unlike last night, where you tried to dominate Sharp End, I am not going to accept that intervention. Perhaps you would like to listen to what I have to say, because what this motion clearly outlines is that you're not a serious opposition. You are not a serious opposition. And you're not serious about governing, because when you are advocating a substantial and unfunded tax cut, based on figures in England, not here in Wales, it proves that you are not serious. And it's not the only tax cut you've called for in recent months, which would have led to over £860 million taken out of the Welsh budget at a time when public services remain under considerable pressure.
And apart from betraying the people of Ukraine and playing into Putin's hands by saying that they will scrap the nation of sanctuary programme, which, let's not forget, represents 0.01 per cent of the total Welsh budget, and is incidentally a programme even the leader of the Conservatives used to say he was a supporter of, they haven't explained where they'll find the money. Meanwhile, they are conspicuously quiet about the millions of pounds of Welsh taxpayer money still being spent to manage the red tape and business-killing bureaucracy of their Brexit vanity project, and it shows, for all their bluster about cutting waste, they simply haven't got a leg to stand on. Look at where you are in the polls. That shows what people think of you as a party and as an opposition.
Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Wel, yn amlwg, o'r cyfraniad hwnnw, ymagwedd y blaid Dorïaidd at lunio polisïau yng Nghymru yw, 'Ar gyfer Cymru, gweler Lloegr', oherwydd roedd yr holl dystiolaeth a glywais yno yn seiliedig ar asesiadau yn Lloegr, nid yma yng Nghymru, lle mae'r trothwyon yn wahanol, lle mae prisiau tai cyfartalog yn wahanol, a hoffwn weld y Blaid Geidwadol yn seilio eu polisïau ar y realiti go iawn yma yng Nghymru. Roedd James Evans ar Sharp End neithiwr yn cyhuddo pobl o economeg ffantasi. Wel, llunio polisi ffantasi yw hwn, yn seiliedig ar ddim realiti a dim sylwedd yma. [Torri ar draws.] Na, ni wnaf, oherwydd fe gewch chi eich cyfraniadau, a gwrthododd y siaradwr cyntaf dderbyn fy ymyriad i lle roeddwn eisiau gwneud y pwyntiau hyn. Fe gewch chi eich cyfle—eich dadl chi yw hi. Ac yn wahanol i—[Torri ar draws.] Na. Yn wahanol i neithiwr, lle gwnaethoch chi geisio dominyddu Sharp End, nid wyf yn mynd i dderbyn yr ymyriad. Efallai yr hoffech chi wrando ar yr hyn sydd gennyf i'w ddweud, oherwydd yr hyn y mae'r cynnig hwn yn ei amlinellu'n glir yw nad ydych chi'n wrthblaid ddifrifol. Nid ydych chi'n wrthblaid ddifrifol. Ac nid ydych chi o ddifrif ynglŷn â llywodraethu, oherwydd pan fyddwch chi'n dadlau dros doriad treth sylweddol a heb ei ariannu, yn seiliedig ar ffigurau yn Lloegr, nid yma yng Nghymru, mae'n profi nad ydych chi o ddifrif. Ac nid dyma'r unig doriad treth rydych chi wedi galw amdano yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf, a fyddai wedi arwain at dros £860 miliwn wedi'i dynnu allan o gyllideb Cymru ar adeg pan fo gwasanaethau cyhoeddus yn parhau i fod o dan bwysau sylweddol.
Ac ar wahân i fradychu pobl Wcráin a chwarae i ddwylo Putin trwy ddweud y byddant yn cael gwared ar y rhaglen cenedl noddfa, sydd, peidiwch ag anghofio, yn 0.01 y cant o gyfanswm cyllideb Cymru, ac sy'n rhaglen, gyda llaw, yr oedd hyd yn oed arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr yn arfer dweud ei fod yn ei chefnogi, nid ydynt wedi esbonio ble y byddant yn dod o hyd i'r arian. Yn y cyfamser, maent yn hynod o dawel am y miliynau o bunnoedd o arian trethdalwyr Cymru sy'n dal i gael ei wario ar reoli biwrocratiaeth sy'n lladd busnes eu prosiect porthi balchder Brexit, ac mae'n dangos, er eu holl siarad gwag am dorri gwastraff, nad oes ganddynt goes i sefyll arni. Edrychwch ar ble rydych chi yn yr arolygon barn. Mae hynny'n dangos beth y mae pobl yn ei feddwl ohonoch chi fel plaid ac fel gwrthblaid.
Heledd, wait a minute. I want to listen to the Member's contribution, and I can't hear because of the noise coming from the benches on my right. So, please allow the contribution to be heard so that we can all enjoy it.
Heledd, arhoswch funud. Rwyf am wrando ar gyfraniad yr Aelod, ac ni allaf glywed oherwydd y sŵn sy'n dod oddi ar y meinciau ar fy llaw dde. Felly, gadewch i'r cyfraniad gael ei glywed fel y gallwn ni i gyd ei fwynhau.
They obviously don't want to listen to facts, which is why they're shouting. So, it may be a new year, but it's the same old Tories recklessly gambling with our public finances, and thank goodness the people of Wales are able to see through them.
So, this isn't to say that the principle of scrapping or at least reforming land transaction tax is not without merit. Indeed, there is widespread consensus amongst economists that taxes of this kind can be inefficient, creating a distortionary impact on housing and job markets alike, and in this respect there is a strong argument against taxing transactions, and thus the efficient allocation of resources, and better targeting wealth and assets as sources of Government revenue, particularly as we know that many of these assets do not positively contribute to economic activity. But the solution to this problem isn't the unfeasible cuts proposed today and the 'pay tomorrow' approach being advocated by the Tories, but rather putting in place viable alternatives so that we can replace the lost revenue sustainably without placing our public services at risk. So, one potential alternative that should be explored further is a land value tax, and I look forward to hearing more about the feasibility studies on the introduction on such a tax in Wales during next week's conference at Sophia Gardens.
And beyond this, we also need to see renewed action from the so-called partnership in power to reform our outdated and underpowered fiscal architecture. And this should include equipping Wales with parity of taxation powers with Scotland as a bare minimum so we can finally realise the potential of our income tax levers and design a system that more fairly reflects the nature of our tax base. We also need to see long-overdue progress in devolving new taxes, such as the vacant land tax, and the Cabinet Secretary was previously confident that this power would be in the hands of the Senedd before the end of this current term, so I would welcome an update from him when he responds to the debate.
With those words, I will close my contribution. But I hope, in closing the debate, the Conservatives can perhaps offer their reflection on the points I've raised and explain why they also oppose Wales securing parity of taxation powers with Scotland as a bare minimum if they are serious about reforming the tax system here in Wales. But they've shown, haven't they, even in this contribution today, that they are not a serious party and not serious about offering anything to the Welsh electorate.
Mae'n amlwg nad ydynt eisiau gwrando ar ffeithiau, a dyna pam y maent yn gweiddi. Felly, efallai ei bod hi'n flwyddyn newydd, ond mae'r un hen Dorïaid yn gamblo'n ddi-hid gyda'n cyllid cyhoeddus, a diolch byth fod pobl Cymru'n gallu gweld trwyddynt.
Felly, nid yw hyn yn golygu nad oes unrhyw rinwedd o gwbl yn perthyn i'r egwyddor o gael gwared ar y dreth trafodiadau tir, neu o leiaf ei diwygio. Yn wir, mae consensws eang ymhlith economegwyr y gall trethi o'r fath fod yn aneffeithlon, gan greu effaith afluniol ar farchnadoedd tai a swyddi fel ei gilydd, ac yn hyn o beth ceir dadl gref yn erbyn trethu trafodiadau, ac felly dros ddyrannu adnoddau'n effeithlon, a thargedu cyfoeth ac asedau'n well fel ffynonellau refeniw Llywodraeth, yn enwedig gan ein bod yn gwybod bod llawer o'r asedau hyn heb fod yn cyfrannu'n gadarnhaol at weithgarwch economaidd. Ond nid yr ateb i'r broblem hon yw'r toriadau anymarferol a gynigir heddiw a'r dull 'talu yfory' sy'n cael ei argymell gan y Torïaid, ond yn hytrach, rhoi dewisiadau amgen hyfyw ar waith fel y gallwn gael refeniw yn lle'r hyn a gollir mewn modd cynaliadwy heb roi ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus mewn perygl. Felly, un dewis arall posib y dylid ei archwilio ymhellach yw treth ar werth tir, ac edrychaf ymlaen at glywed mwy am yr astudiaethau dichonoldeb ar gyflwyno treth o'r fath yng Nghymru yn ystod y gynhadledd yr wythnos nesaf yng Ngerddi Sophia.
A thu hwnt i hyn, mae angen inni hefyd weld gweithredu o'r newydd gan yr hyn a elwir yn bartneriaeth mewn grym i ddiwygio ein pensaernïaeth ariannol wan sydd wedi dyddio. A dylai hyn gynnwys arfogi Cymru â phwerau trethiant sy'n gydradd â rhai'r Alban fel lleiafswm pur fel y gallwn o'r diwedd wireddu potensial ein liferi treth incwm a llunio system sy'n adlewyrchu natur ein sylfaen dreth yn fwy teg. Mae angen inni hefyd weld cynnydd hirddisgwyliedig ar ddatganoli trethi newydd, fel y dreth ar dir gwag, ac roedd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn hyderus yn flaenorol y byddai'r pŵer hwn yn nwylo'r Senedd cyn diwedd y tymor hwn, felly buaswn yn croesawu diweddariad ganddo pan fydd yn ymateb i'r ddadl.
Gyda'r geiriau hynny, rwy'n cloi fy nghyfraniad. Ond gobeithio, wrth gloi'r ddadl, y gall y Ceidwadwyr gynnig eu syniadau ar y pwyntiau a godais ac esbonio pam eu bod hefyd yn gwrthwynebu gweld Cymru'n sicrhau pwerau trethiant cydradd â'r Alban fel lleiafswm pur os ydynt o ddifrif am ddiwygio'r system dreth yma yng Nghymru. Ond maent wedi dangos, onid ydynt, hyd yn oed yn y cyfraniad hwn heddiw, nad ydynt yn blaid ddifrifol ac nad ydynt o ddifrif ynglŷn â chynnig unrhyw beth i bobl Cymru.
Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.
The Llywydd took the Chair.
I wish Plaid wouldn't be so angry all the time. You don't need to be angry. This is a debate. I would suggest that people actually listen to what Joel James said, because he very articulately put in place some of the issues around land transaction tax. And it wasn't aggressive, it was very clear, and made some cogent arguments about why it's currently wrong.
Because there's no doubt about it, it's certainly a repressive tax. It does nothing but hold back aspiration, acting as yet another barrier for people across Wales—whether it is a young family trying to buy their first home or an older couple hoping to downsize. Unfortunately, land transaction tax is just one of those many obstacles facing home owners in Wales. The reality is that our nation is in the midst of a housing crisis driven by successive Labour Governments failing, sadly, to build the homes that are so desperately needed.
At the same time, Wales is approaching a tipping point for the wider economy. For more than 25 years, Labour Governments, supported by Plaid, have stifled growth and severely damaged our long-term economic prospects. For nearly two years now, we have seen the same failed approach repeated at Westminster—reckless tax-and-spend policies that have maxed out the nation's credit card and left working families to pay the price through higher taxes, rising unemployment and weaker public services.
What Wales needs instead is a real boost for hard-working families—policies that restore hope and put more money into people's pockets. Yet young people continue to be disadvantaged simply for choosing to live here. Take, for example, a young couple with a child living in Chepstow, compared with a family just a few miles down the road—well, even a mile down the road—in England. In Wales, they face a lack of meaningful support for first-time buyers and no equivalent childcare support during the crucial early years. Now, as a result, based on an average house price in our area of circa £350,000 for a home, the very same property could cost a first-time buyer up to £5,000 more in tax alone here in Wales. On top of that, if the couple have a child, they could end up paying more than £4,000 extra each year in childcare costs compared with counterparts in England just a few miles away. How I come to that is that the childcare is based on a two-year-old, part time, at 25 hours a week. In England, that's £66 a week; it's £146 a week in Wales. Now, that's over £9,000 that that young couple will have to pay simply for living in Wales—another clear example of how the aspirations of young families are being smothered.
Now, communities along the England-Wales border feel this injustice more acutely than many other parts of Wales and are left asking a simple question: why are they being punished for choosing to live here? But it would not only be young people who would benefit from this bold and necessary policy change we're proposing. Older home owners are being held back as well. Take an elderly couple whose children have long since moved out and who now wish to downsize from their family home, too often they find themselves massively disadvantaged to do so, not because they lack the will, but because the punitive level of tax is unfair, taking money away from their much needed later life. Under our policy, a couple downsizing their home in Wales would save around £7,500, if they were buying a £350,000 house, while a young family buying a bigger home, say £450,000, would pay about £14,000 land transaction tax. That's £7,500 that could instead be used to support their retirement, improve their quality of life or be passed on as a legacy to their children, rather than being swallowed up by an unfair and unnecessary tax burden. Not only would this help downsize, but it would also provide much needed housing stock of larger homes for families to move to.
Ultimately, this is about fairness, opportunity and aspiration. By cutting punitive taxes and backing hard-working families, we can restore confidence in our housing market and ensure that choosing to live, work and raise a family in Wales is no longer a financial disadvantage, but an opportunity. I ask Members to support our motion and get rid of this punitive land transaction tax on primary residences in Wales.
Hoffwn pe na bai Plaid Cymru mor ddig drwy'r amser. Nid oes angen i chi fod yn ddig. Dadl yw hon. Rwy'n awgrymu bod pobl yn gwrando ar yr hyn a ddywedodd Joel James, oherwydd fe nododd rai o'r problemau sydd ynghlwm wrth dreth trafodiadau tir yn huawdl iawn. Ac nid oedd yn ymosodol, roedd yn glir iawn, ac yn gwneud dadleuon cryf ynghylch pam y mae'n anghywir ar hyn o bryd.
Oherwydd heb unrhyw amheuaeth, mae'n sicr yn dreth ormesol. Nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw beth heblaw atal dyhead, gan weithredu fel rhwystr arall eto i bobl ledled Cymru—boed yn deulu ifanc sy'n ceisio prynu eu cartref cyntaf neu'n bâr hŷn sy'n gobeithio symud i gartref llai. Yn anffodus, dim ond un o'r rhwystrau niferus sy'n wynebu perchnogion tai yng Nghymru yw'r dreth trafodiadau tir. Y gwir amdani yw bod ein cenedl yng nghanol argyfwng tai wedi ei yrru gan Lywodraethau Llafur olynol sy'n methu adeiladu'r cartrefi y mae cymaint o'u hangen.
Ar yr un pryd, mae Cymru'n agosáu at bwynt di-droi'n-ôl i'r economi ehangach. Ers mwy na 25 mlynedd, mae Llywodraethau Llafur, gyda chefnogaeth Plaid Cymru, wedi mygu twf ac wedi niweidio ein rhagolygon economaidd hirdymor. Ers bron i ddwy flynedd bellach, rydym wedi gweld yr un dull aflwyddiannus yn cael ei ailadrodd yn San Steffan—polisïau trethu a gwario byrbwyll sydd wedi codi dyledion y wlad i'r entrychion a gadael teuluoedd sy'n gweithio i dalu'r pris drwy drethi uwch, diweithdra cynyddol a gwasanaethu cyhoeddus gwannach.
Yr hyn sydd ei angen ar Gymru yn lle hynny yw hwb gwirioneddol i deuluoedd gweithgar—polisïau sy'n adfer gobaith ac yn rhoi mwy o arian ym mhocedi pobl. Ond mae pobl ifanc yn parhau i fod dan anfantais dim ond am ddewis byw yma. Cymerwch gwpl ifanc â phlentyn sy'n byw yng Nghas-gwent, er enghraifft, o'u cymharu â theulu ychydig filltiroedd i lawr y ffordd—wel, filltir i lawr y ffordd hyd yn oed—yn Lloegr. Yng Nghymru, maent yn wynebu diffyg cymorth ystyrlon i brynwyr tro cyntaf a dim cymorth gofal plant cyfatebol yn ystod y blynyddoedd cynnar tyngedfennol. Nawr, o ganlyniad, yn seiliedig ar bris tŷ cyfartalog yn ein hardal ni o oddeutu £350,000 am gartref, gallai'r un eiddo gostio hyd at £5,000 yn fwy mewn treth yn unig i brynwr tro cyntaf yma yng Nghymru. Ar ben hynny, os oes gan y cwpl blentyn, gallent dalu mwy na £4,000 ychwanegol bob blwyddyn mewn costau gofal plant o gymharu â'u cymheiriaid yn Lloegr ychydig filltiroedd i ffwrdd. Sut y deuaf at hynny yw bod y gofal plant yn seiliedig ar blentyn dwy oed, rhan amser, 25 awr yr wythnos. Yn Lloegr, mae hynny'n £66 yr wythnos; mae'n £146 yr wythnos yng Nghymru. Nawr, dyna dros £9,000 y bydd yn rhaid i'r cwpl ifanc ei dalu am fyw yng Nghymru—enghraifft glir arall o sut y mae dyheadau teuluoedd ifanc yn cael eu mygu.
Nawr, mae cymunedau ar hyd y ffin rhwng Cymru a Lloegr yn teimlo'r anghyfiawnder hwn yn fwy dwys na llawer o rannau eraill o Gymru ac yn gofyn cwestiwn syml: pam y cânt eu cosbi am ddewis byw yma? Ond nid pobl ifanc yn unig a fyddai'n elwa o'r newid polisi beiddgar ac angenrheidiol hwn a gynigir gennym. Mae perchnogion tai hŷn yn cael eu dal yn ôl hefyd. Cymerwch gwpl oedrannus y mae eu plant wedi symud allan ers amser maith ac sydd bellach yn dymuno symud o'u cartref teuluol i gartref llai, yn rhy aml maent dan anfantais enfawr wrth wneud hynny, nid oherwydd nad oes ganddynt yr ewyllys, ond oherwydd bod y lefel gosbol o dreth yn annheg, gan eu hamddifadu o arian mawr ei angen ar gyfnod diweddarach yn eu bywydau. O dan ein polisi ni, byddai cwpl sy'n prynu cartref llai yng Nghymru yn arbed tua £7,500, pe baent yn prynu tŷ gwerth £350,000, tra byddai teulu ifanc sy'n prynu cartref mwy, gwerth £450,000 dyweder, yn talu tua £14,000 o dreth trafodiadau tir. Dyna £7,500 y gellid ei ddefnyddio i gefnogi eu hymddeoliad, gwella ansawdd eu bywydau neu ei drosglwyddo i'w plant, yn hytrach na chael ei lyncu gan faich treth annheg a diangen. Nid yn unig y byddai hyn yn help i symud i gartref llai, byddai hefyd yn darparu stoc dai fawr ei hangen o gartrefi mwy i deuluoedd symud iddynt.
Yn y pen draw, mae hyn yn ymwneud â thegwch, cyfle a dyhead. Drwy dorri trethi cosbol a chefnogi teuluoedd gweithgar, gallwn adfer hyder yn ein marchnad dai a sicrhau nad yw dewis byw, gweithio a magu teulu yng Nghymru yn anfantais ariannol bellach, ond yn gyfle. Gofynnaf i'r Aelodau gefnogi ein cynnig a chael gwared ar y dreth trafodiadau tir gosbol hon ar brif breswylfeydd yng Nghymru.
One thing we've certainly learned yet again is that the Conservatives dislike taxation. What we also know is that what they dislike most are those taxes such as council tax, commercial rates and land transaction tax that are very difficult to avoid legally.
The draft budget maintains current rates for Welsh income tax and land transaction tax, changes the land transaction tax multiple dwelling relief, and increases the standard rate of landfill disposals tax for 2026-27. Land transaction tax was one of the taxes, alongside the Welsh rate of income tax and the landfill disposals tax, that were devolved to the Welsh Government. The reason they were devolved was that they were easier to identify in a geographical area. Although with some cross-border properties and land, we know the local authorities that collect the council tax, and if it has to be shared, the formula for doing so.
Whilst there is a need to split the tax between geographical locations for large business transactions that occur in Wales and other parts of the UK, that was previously true when the transaction occurred in properties in the UK and abroad. Land transaction tax replaced stamp duty land tax in Wales from 1 April 2018. The Welsh Revenue Authority collects and manages the tax for the Welsh Government. The land transaction tax is payable on the purchase or lease of a building or land over a certain price. The land transaction tax taxation, when introduced, was broadly consistent with the existing stamp duty land tax structure in England and Northern Ireland. The changes initially introduced were designed to make the tax fairer, improve taxation effectiveness, and enable a focus on Welsh needs and priorities. Under the current land transaction tax system, a surcharge applies to all transactions involving the purchase of an additional property. Additional property types include buy-to-let investments and second homes.
What would abolishing land transaction tax achieve? I don't believe it would reduce the cost of buying a house. When ordinary people, not rich people, enter the process of buying a house, they factor in legal fees, surveys and land transaction tax. This gives them the money they have available to purchase the property. What will happen if it is abolished is that the equivalent money will be added to the sale price. The change would reduce Government income and provide a small windfall to the seller of the properties. It would reduce the Government's capacity to spend—[Interruption.] Can I just finish this bit? It would reduce the Government's capacity to spend, because it would have less income. Would the Conservatives like to explain where they want the cuts to occur?
Un peth rydym yn sicr wedi'i ddysgu unwaith eto yw bod y Ceidwadwyr yn casáu trethiant. Rydym hefyd yn gwybod mai'r hyn y maent yn ei gasáu fwyaf yw'r trethi hynny fel y dreth gyngor, ardrethi masnachol a threth trafodiadau tir sy'n anodd iawn eu hosgoi yn gyfreithlon.
Mae'r gyllideb ddrafft yn cynnal cyfraddau cyfredol ar gyfer treth incwm Cymru a threth trafodiadau tir, yn newid rhyddhad anheddau lluosog y dreth trafodiadau tir, ac yn cynyddu'r gyfradd safonol o dreth gwarediadau tirlenwi ar gyfer 2026-27. Roedd treth trafodiadau tir yn un o'r trethi, ochr yn ochr â chyfradd dreth incwm Cymru a'r dreth gwarediadau tirlenwi, a ddatganolwyd i Lywodraeth Cymru. Y rheswm y cawsant eu datganoli oedd eu bod yn haws eu nodi mewn ardal ddaearyddol. Er gyda pheth eiddo a thir trawsffiniol, rydym yn gwybod mai'r awdurdodau lleol sy'n casglu'r dreth gyngor, ac os oes rhaid ei rannu, y fformiwla ar gyfer gwneud hynny.
Er bod angen rhannu'r dreth rhwng lleoliadau daearyddol ar gyfer trafodiadau busnes mawr sy'n digwydd yng Nghymru a rhannau eraill o'r DU, roedd hynny'n wir o'r blaen pan ddigwyddai'r trafodiad mewn eiddo yn y DU a thramor. Disodlodd treth trafodiadau tir dreth dir y dreth stamp yng Nghymru o 1 Ebrill 2018. Awdurdod Refeniw Cymru sy'n casglu ac yn rheoli'r dreth ar gyfer Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae'r dreth trafodiadau tir yn daladwy wrth brynu neu lesio adeilad neu dir dros bris penodol. Roedd y dreth trafodiadau tir, pan gafodd ei chyflwyno, at ei gilydd yn gyson â strwythur treth dir y dreth stamp sy'n bodoli yn Lloegr a Gogledd Iwerddon. Cynlluniwyd y newidiadau a gyflwynwyd i ddechrau i wneud y dreth yn decach, gwella effeithiolrwydd trethiant, a'i gwneud hi'n bosib canolbwyntio ar anghenion a blaenoriaethau Cymru. O dan y system dreth trafodiadau tir bresennol, mae gordal yn gymwys i bob trafodiad sy'n ymwneud â phrynu eiddo ychwanegol. Mae mathau ychwanegol o eiddo yn cynnwys buddsoddiadau prynu i osod ac ail gartrefi.
Beth fyddai diddymu treth trafodiadau tir yn ei gyflawni? Nid wyf yn credu y byddai'n lleihau'r gost o brynu tŷ. Pan fydd pobl gyffredin, nid pobl gyfoethog, yn dechrau'r broses o brynu tŷ, maent yn cynnwys ystyriaeth o ffioedd cyfreithiol, arolygon a threth trafodiadau tir. Mae hyn yn rhoi'r arian sydd ganddynt ar gael i brynu'r eiddo. Yr hyn a fydd yn digwydd os caiff ei ddiddymu yw y bydd yr arian cyfatebol yn cael ei ychwanegu at y pris gwerthu. Byddai'r newid yn lleihau incwm y Llywodraeth ac yn darparu ffawdelw bach i werthwr yr eiddo. Byddai'n lleihau gallu'r Llywodraeth i wario—[Torri ar draws.] A gaf i orffen y darn hwn? Byddai'n lleihau gallu y Llywodraeth i wario, oherwydd byddai ganddi lai o incwm. A fyddai'r Ceidwadwyr yn hoffi egluro ble maent eisiau i'r toriadau ddigwydd?
Thank you for taking the intervention, Mike. I notice you claimed there that the market value of a property would rise. I'm just curious as to what evidence you have to suggest that that would be the case.
Diolch am dderbyn yr ymyriad, Mike. Rwy'n sylwi eich bod wedi honni yno y byddai gwerth marchnad eiddo yn codi. Rwy'n chwilfrydig pa dystiolaeth sydd gennych i awgrymu y byddai hynny'n digwydd.
Well, welcome to the world of us ordinary people. When we go out to try and buy a house, we work out how much we can afford. We put in land transaction tax, we put in stamp duty or land transaction tax, we put in the amount we're going to have to pay to the solicitors. Having worked all that out, we then know how much money we can borrow and pay.
There is no actual value of a house; it's the amount the purchaser can raise and the amount the seller will accept. When you provide more money to the purchaser, either using Help to Buy or abolishing land transaction tax, what happens is house prices will inevitably increase. You are distorting the current system, but the only gainers are the sellers of the more expensive properties.
On taxation, you can tax income, wealth or spending. Land transaction tax taxes expenditure. Like all taxes that are difficult to avoid, they're disliked by the rich. Land transaction tax is estimated by the Welsh Government to raise £401 million in 2026-27. The threshold at which land transaction tax becomes payable is £225,000, above the average price in Wales of £217,000, and well above the average for first-time buyers of £188,000. Six out of 10 transactions of a main home in Wales pay no tax at all. In the draft budget, the rates are set to remain the same.
Two changes are proposed in the draft budget to the multiple dwelling relief scheme: a new equalisation rule, which will improve fairness for taxpayers who purchase more than one dwelling in the same transaction or in linked transactions, and an increase in the current minimum rate for relief from 1 per cent to 3 per cent. It's also intended to introduce a new refund of the higher residential rate of land transaction tax where a taxpayer buys a dwelling and leases it to a local authority through Leasing Scheme Wales.
It's a highly volatile tax and very dependent on the economic situation. The amount raised from the sale of commercial land and property, one big shopping centre, can actually raise a quarter or a fifth of the total amount of land transaction tax in Wales.
Turning to Plaid Cymru's amendment,
'explore further reforms to the tax system as a means of eventually replacing land transaction tax in a sustainable manner',
everybody wants to find a more sustainable manner of raising taxes, but we also want to find taxation that people cannot avoid.
Land value tax, which people talk about, what does that mean in practice? It means you'll never see social housing, you'll never see council housing in any of the more expensive land areas in Wales. I think that we really want to go better than, 'We want change, please support us.'
Wel, croeso i fyd y bobl gyffredin. Pan fyddwn ni'n mynd allan i geisio prynu tŷ, rydym yn cyfrif faint y gallwn ei fforddio. Rydym yn rhoi treth trafodiadau tir i mewn, rydym yn rhoi treth stamp neu dreth trafodiadau tir i mewn, rydym yn rhoi'r swm y bydd yn rhaid inni ei dalu i'r cyfreithwyr i mewn. Ar ôl cyfrif hynny i gyd, rydym yn gwybod faint o arian y gallwn ei fenthyca a'i dalu.
Nid oes gwerth gwirioneddol i dŷ; yr hyn a geir yw swm y gall y prynwr ei godi a'r swm y bydd y gwerthwr yn ei dderbyn. Pan fyddwch chi'n darparu mwy o arian i'r prynwr, naill ai gan ddefnyddio Cymorth i Brynu neu ddiddymu treth trafodiadau tir, yr hyn sy'n digwydd yw y bydd prisiau tai yn anochel yn cynyddu. Rydych chi'n aflunio'r system bresennol, ond yr unig enillwyr yw gwerthwyr yr eiddo drutach.
Ar drethiant, gallwch drethu incwm, cyfoeth neu wariant. Mae treth trafodiadau tir yn trethu gwariant. Fel pob treth sy'n anodd ei hosgoi, cânt eu casáu gan y cyfoethog. Amcangyfrifir y bydd treth trafodiadau tir yn codi £401 miliwn yn 2026-27. Y trothwy y daw'r dreth trafodiadau tir yn daladwy yw £225,000, sy'n uwch na'r pris cyfartalog yng Nghymru o £217,000, ac ymhell uwchben y cyfartaledd o £188,000 ar gyfer prynwyr tro cyntaf. Nid yw chwech o bob 10 trafodiad prif gartref yng Nghymru yn talu unrhyw dreth o gwbl. Yn y gyllideb ddrafft, mae'r cyfraddau'n mynd i aros yr un fath.
Cynigir dau newid yn y gyllideb ddrafft i'r cynllun rhyddhad anheddau lluosog: rheol cydraddoliad newydd, a fydd yn gwella tegwch i drethdalwyr sy'n prynu mwy nag un annedd yn yr un trafodiad neu mewn trafodiadau cysylltiedig, a chynnydd yn isafswm presennol y gyfradd ar gyfer rhyddhad o 1 y cant i 3 y cant. Y bwriad hefyd yw cyflwyno ad-daliad newydd o'r gyfradd breswyl uwch o dreth trafodiadau tir pan fydd trethdalwr yn prynu annedd ac yn ei osod ar les i awdurdod lleol drwy Gynllun Lesio Cymru.
Mae'n dreth hynod gyfnewidiol ac yn ddibynnol iawn ar y sefyllfa economaidd. Gall y swm a godir o werthu tir ac eiddo masnachol, un ganolfan siopa fawr, godi chwarter neu bumed ran o gyfanswm y dreth trafodiadau tir yng Nghymru.
Gan droi at welliant Plaid Cymru,
'archwilio diwygio pellach i'r system dreth fel dull o ddisodli’r dreth trafodiadau tir yn y pen draw mewn modd cynaliadwy',
mae pawb eisiau dod o hyd i ffordd fwy cynaliadwy o godi trethi, ond rydym hefyd eisiau dod o hyd i drethi na all pobl ei osgoi.
Treth ar werth tir, y mae pobl yn siarad amdani, beth y mae hynny'n ei olygu yn ymarferol? Mae'n golygu na fyddwch chi byth yn gweld tai cymdeithasol, ni fyddwch chi byth yn gweld tai cyngor yn unrhyw un o'r ardaloedd tir drutach yng Nghymru. Rwy'n credu ein bod ni o ddifrif eisiau gwell na, 'Rydym eisiau newid, cefnogwch ni.'
I'm pleased to take part in this debate today in favour of abolishing the land transaction tax, Wales's version of stamp duty basically, because this tax is holding our country back, trapping young people out of home ownership, penalising families who need space, and making it harder for older people to downsize and free up homes in our communities.
Like many things in this country, the housing market is broken and we can't continue as if nothing is wrong. In 1991, approximately 67 per cent of 25 to 34-year-olds in the UK owned their homes, but fast forward to 2023 and that number stands at just 39 per cent. Home ownership is becoming a distant dream rather than an achievable aspiration. [Interruption.] I will. I'll just finish this particular remark. This is heartbreaking for Britain, where home ownership should always be a key part of British life.
Rwy'n falch o gymryd rhan yn y ddadl hon heddiw o blaid diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir, fersiwn Cymru o'r dreth stamp yn y bôn, oherwydd mae'r dreth hon yn dal ein gwlad yn ôl, yn caethiwo pobl ifanc rhag bod yn berchnogion ar gartrefi, yn cosbi teuluoedd sydd angen lle, ac yn ei gwneud hi'n anos i bobl hŷn symud i gartrefi llai a rhyddhau cartrefi yn ein cymunedau.
Fel llawer o bethau yn y wlad hon, mae'r farchnad dai wedi torri ac ni allwn barhau fel pe na bai dim o'i le. Ym 1991, roedd tua 67 y cant o bobl ifanc 25 i 34 oed yn y DU yn berchen ar eu cartrefi, ond symudwch ymlaen at 2023 ac mae'r nifer yn ddim ond 39 y cant. Mae perchnogaeth ar gartref yn dod yn freuddwyd bell yn hytrach na dyhead cyraeddadwy. [Torri ar draws.] Fe wnaf. Fe wnaf gorffen y sylw penodol hwn. Mae hyn yn dorcalonnus i Brydain, lle dylai perchnogaeth ar gartref fod yn rhan allweddol o fywyd Prydain bob amser.
I'd like to ask: which Government was in power during the time up until 2023?
Hoffwn ofyn: pa Lywodraeth oedd mewn grym yn ystod y cyfnod hyd at 2023?
Thank you for that short, sharp intervention, but it's a cumulative effect over many years, Mike. If you take the time gap between 1991 and 2023, there were 13 years of a Labour Government within that, and then indeed within a devolved context, we are now 26 years into a Labour Government for which housing is purely devolved.
We always want our children to have more opportunities than our own generation, but that's sadly not the case. We are leaving them a worse country with fewer opportunities, and the inability to purchase a property is very symbolic of that decline. Young couples are stuck in a cycle of rented properties, parents are unable to move closer to schools or work, and older residents want to downsize but cannot justify the cost of moving. We should be clear that, in Wales, housing is devolved, and Labour, along with their mates in Plaid Cymru, could have turned this around, but instead they stepped off the gas and allowed our property market to stall: a growing population coupled with rising house prices and a failure to build enough houses to satisfy the demand.
A clear and decisive way that we could break with the old model would be to abolish the land transaction tax. This tax raises around £147 million a year from primary residences. That may sound like a large figure, but it represents just half of 1 per cent of the Welsh Government's overall budget, and, crucially, the money to fund the abolition is there. The finance Minister left funding unallocated in this year's budget, yet Labour and Plaid chose not to use it in order to help ordinary people onto the housing ladder. Instead, they chose more waste, more bureaucracy and more of the same failed priorities.
Stamp duty is widely recognised as a bad tax. The Institute for Fiscal Studies has called it the most economically damaging tax in England, and the Treasury Select Committee said it should be a priority for reform. Independent tax experts have said that it distorts the housing market, reduces labour mobility and holds back economic growth. If that's true in England, then it's undoubtedly true here in Wales.
Look at the evidence: house building in Wales is falling, not rising. Last year, over 4,600 new homes were completed, a 3 per cent drop on the previous year and one of the lowest figures on record. Housing starts are down by more than a quarter, and the Welsh Government is set to miss out on its own social housing target by thousands of homes. And, at the same time, the average age of the first-time buyer continues to creep up. This is not accidental. It's the result of bad decisions.
Land transaction tax makes it harder to move. It discourages people from taking jobs in new areas. It locks up the family homes that could otherwise come back onto the market, and it takes thousands of pounds out of people's pockets at exactly the moment when they need them the most. Scrapping this tax for primary residences would make a real difference, would lower the upfront cost of buying a home, improve mobility in the housing market, help young people to get on the property ladder, and it would help older people downsize with dignity. This is not about making the rich richer. This proposal applies only to main homes, not second homes. It's about ensuring that we remain a property-owning democracy.
The Welsh Conservatives believe that owning your own home matters, that there is a sense of pride and security in owning your own home. And for those in this Chamber who believe that stamp duty only affects the wealthy or those buying a large property, you pay the tax on homes that cost more than £225,000, and with the average cost of a home in Wales being over £236,000, the majority of Welsh people pay the tax when buying a home. It strengthens families and communities, and it should not be made harder by an aspiration-sapping tax imposed by a Government that has lost touch with the realities facing people across Wales. It's time to scrap the land transaction tax and give the people of Wales the chance to own their own future.
Diolch am yr ymyriad byr, sydyn hwnnw, ond mae'n effaith gronnol dros flynyddoedd lawer, Mike. Os cymerwch y bwlch amser rhwng 1991 a 2023, roedd yna 13 mlynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur o fewn hynny, ac yna'n wir yng nghyd-destun datganoli, rydym bellach 26 mlynedd i mewn i Lywodraeth Lafur lle mae'r maes tai wedi'i ddatganoli'n llwyr.
Rydym bob amser eisiau i'n plant gael mwy o gyfleoedd na'n cenhedlaeth ein hunain, ond yn anffodus nid yw hynny'n wir. Rydym yn gadael gwlad waeth iddynt gyda llai o gyfleoedd, ac mae'r anallu i brynu eiddo yn symbolaidd iawn o'r dirywiad hwnnw. Mae cyplau ifanc yn gaeth mewn cylch o eiddo rhent, nid yw rhieni'n gallu symud yn agosach at ysgolion neu waith, ac mae preswylwyr hŷn eisiau symud i gartrefi llai ond ni allant gyfiawnhau'r gost o symud. Dylem fod yn glir fod y maes tai wedi'i ddatganoli yng Nghymru, a gallai Llafur, ynghyd â'u ffrindiau ym Mhlaid Cymru, fod wedi newid y sefyllfa, ond yn hytrach fe wnaethant dynnu eu troed oddi ar y sbardun a chaniatáu i'n marchnad eiddo arafu i stop: poblogaeth sy'n tyfu ynghyd â phrisiau tai cynyddol a methiant i adeiladu digon o dai i fodloni'r galw.
Ffordd glir a phendant o dorri oddi wrth yr hen fodel fyddai diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir. Mae'r dreth hon yn codi tua £147 miliwn y flwyddyn o brif breswylfeydd. Efallai fod hynny'n swnio'n ffigur mawr, ond nid yw ond hanner 1 y cant o gyllideb gyffredinol Llywodraeth Cymru, ac yn hollbwysig, mae'r arian i ariannu'r diddymu yno. Gadawodd y Gweinidog cyllid arian heb ei ddyrannu yn y gyllideb eleni, ond dewisodd Llafur a Phlaid Cymru beidio â'i ddefnyddio i helpu pobl gyffredin i gael troed ar yr ysgol dai. Yn hytrach, fe wnaethant ddewis mwy o wastraff, mwy o fiwrocratiaeth a mwy o'r un blaenoriaethau aflwyddiannus.
Mae treth stamp yn cael ei chydnabod yn eang fel treth wael. Mae'r Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid wedi ei galw'n dreth fwyaf economaidd niweidiol Lloegr, a dywedodd Pwyllgor Dethol y Trysorlys y dylai fod yn flaenoriaeth ar gyfer diwygio. Mae arbenigwyr treth annibynnol wedi dweud ei bod yn aflunio'r farchnad dai, yn cyfyngu ar symudedd llafur ac yn atal twf economaidd. Os yw hynny'n wir yn Lloegr, mae'n sicr yn wir yma yng Nghymru.
Edrychwch ar y dystiolaeth: mae gweithgarwch adeiladu tai yng Nghymru yn gostwng, nid yn codi. Y llynedd, cwblhawyd dros 4,600 o gartrefi newydd, gostyngiad o 3 y cant ers y flwyddyn flaenorol ac un o'r ffigurau isaf a gofnodwyd. Mae nifer y tai y dechreuwyd eu hadeiladu wedi gostwng fwy na chwarter, ac mae Llywodraeth Cymru ar fin methu ei tharged tai cymdeithasol ei hun o filoedd o gartrefi. Ac ar yr un pryd, mae oedran cyfartalog y prynwr tro cyntaf yn parhau i godi. Nid yw hyn yn ddamweiniol. Mae'n ganlyniad i benderfyniadau gwael.
Mae treth trafodiadau tir yn ei gwneud hi'n anos symud. Mae'n atal pobl rhag cymryd swyddi mewn ardaloedd newydd. Mae'n cloi'r cartrefi teuluol allan, tai a allai ddod yn ôl ar y farchnad fel arall, ac mae'n mynd â miloedd o bunnoedd o bocedi pobl ar yr union adeg pan fyddant ei angen fwyaf. Byddai dileu'r dreth hon ar gyfer prif breswylfeydd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth go iawn, byddai'n lleihau'r gost ymlaen llaw o brynu cartref, yn gwella symudedd yn y farchnad dai, yn helpu pobl ifanc i gael troed ar yr ysgol eiddo, a byddai'n helpu pobl hŷn i symud i gartrefi llai gydag urddas. Nid yw hyn yn ymwneud â gwneud y cyfoethog yn gyfoethocach. Mae'r cynnig hwn yn berthnasol i brif gartrefi yn unig, nid i ail gartrefi. Mae'n ymwneud â sicrhau ein bod yn parhau i fod yn ddemocratiaeth sy'n berchen ar eiddo.
Mae'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn credu bod bod yn berchen ar eich cartref eich hun yn bwysig, fod yna ymdeimlad o falchder a diogelwch yn gysylltiedig â bod yn berchen ar eich cartref eich hun. Ac i'r rhai yn y Siambr hon sy'n credu bod y dreth stamp yn effeithio ar y cyfoethog neu'r rhai sy'n prynu eiddo mawr yn unig, rydych chi'n talu'r dreth ar gartrefi sy'n costio mwy na £225,000, a chyda chost gyfartalog cartref yng Nghymru dros £236,000, mae'r mwyafrif o bobl Cymru yn talu'r dreth wrth brynu cartref. Mae'n cryfhau teuluoedd a chymunedau, ac ni ddylid gwneud hynny'n anos drwy dreth sy'n lladd uchelgais a osodir gan Lywodraeth sydd wedi colli cysylltiad â'r realiti sy'n wynebu pobl ledled Cymru. Mae'n bryd dileu'r dreth trafodiadau tir a rhoi cyfle i bobl Cymru fod yn berchen ar eu dyfodol eu hunain.
Before I start to talk about land transaction tax, I would just like to start by saying, Michael, Heledd, your Labour-Plaid Cymru co-operation agreement lasting three years has seen the economic prospects of Wales dive like at no other time that I know of. We have the lowest median wage here compared to England. You make a point about—[Interruption]. Yes, first time.
Cyn imi ddechrau siarad am dreth trafodiadau tir, hoffwn ddechrau trwy ddweud, Michael, Heledd, mae eich cytundeb cydweithio rhwng Llafur a Phlaid Cymru a barhaodd am dair blynedd wedi gweld rhagolygon economaidd Cymru yn plymio'n ddyfnach nag ar unrhyw adeg arall y gwn amdani. Mae gennym y cyflog canolrifol isaf yma o'i gymharu â Lloegr. Rydych chi'n gwneud pwynt am—[Torri ar draws]. Ie, y tro cyntaf.
Three years? I'm sorry, I thought Peter Fox said 25.
Tair blynedd? Mae'n ddrwg gennyf, roeddwn i'n meddwl bod Peter Fox wedi dweud 25.
I'm talking now about your disastrous three years.
Rwy'n siarad nawr am eich tair blynedd drychinebus chi.
Oh, right. Peter Fox did say 25 years. 'Plaid Cymru and Labour have been in control for 25 years.' He was wrong.
O, iawn. Dywedodd Peter Fox 25 mlynedd. 'Mae Plaid Cymru a Llafur wedi bod mewn rheolaeth ers 25 mlynedd.' Roedd yn anghywir.
He's not wrong, it's actually nearly 27. He's only wrong that it's nearly 27 years. [Interruption.] Hold on a minute. Hold on a minute. You've been in Government for one term. You've always latched on to Labour in every term since the Assembly has been—the Senedd, I should say. But it has.
I mean, you just love your tax. It's your left-wing ideology. Tourism tax. You've actually damaged the prospects of economic prosperity. You go after our businesses. You do not support those who want to get on in Wales with ambition, aspiration. You just—. It’s so frustrating to be a Member and to see how we have dived over the past five years, and three of those years, you and your group are fully—[Interruption.] I'll just get on a bit—are fully responsible for. And I make no apology for pointing out the very obvious. [Interruption.]
It is becoming increasingly harder to buy in Wales, especially as a first-time buyer in Wales. I know from my own constituency, a young family will buy their first home, a young couple will buy their first home, then they have a family, then they want to go bigger. You’re just putting all the blocks in their way to do that. The cost of living in Wales now and the economic strains that have been caused by now the UK and Welsh Labour Governments; they have absolutely tricked and lied to the people of the UK.
Now, £147 million a year in Wales is raised by land transaction tax. Look at all the wasted spend on Cardiff Airport. So, 4,631 new homes were completed in Wales, down from 4,771. It's the second lowest figure on record and yet we're meant to be having all these 20,000 new homes. Where are they? Three thousand eight hundred dwellings were started in 2024-25, a 20 per cent decrease. These are serious failings when trying to look how you build up the economy of a nation such as Wales.
We know as the Welsh Conservatives the importance of home ownership, because with it it brings stability. Being able to get on to the housing ladder is an ambition for many. We will make no apology for wanting to abolish land transaction tax for primary residences. Our leader of the Conservative Party in the UK, Kemi Badenoch, has already announced that a future Conservative Government will abolish stamp duty, which is the equivalent in England. Our housing market is in despair, and it needs to be fixed. Too many of our young people are currently renting. Working parents are penalised if they want more space to raise a family. Currently, the average age for a first-time buyer in Wales is 31. More needs to be done to ensure that you are building the houses, but hopefully it'll be 'we' that will be building the houses after May.
Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru, in bringing down Wales down during your three-year co-operation agreement, have prioritised your own pet projects, such as Senedd reform. One hundred and twenty million—
Nid yw'n anghywir, mewn gwirionedd mae bron yn 27. Mae'n anghywir am ei fod bron yn 27 mlynedd. [Torri ar draws.] Un funud. Un funud. Rydych chi wedi bod mewn Llywodraeth ers un tymor. Rydych chi bob amser wedi glynu at Lafur ym mhob tymor ers i'r Cynulliad fod—y Senedd, dylwn ddweud. Ond mae'n wir.
Hynny yw, rydych chi'n dwli ar eich treth. Eich ideoleg asgell chwith ydyw. Treth dwristiaeth. Rydych chi wedi niweidio'r rhagolygon o ffyniant economaidd. Rydych chi'n mynd ar ôl ein busnesau. Nid ydych yn cefnogi'r rhai sydd eisiau camu ymlaen yng Nghymru gydag uchelgais, dyhead. Rydych chi—. Mae mor rhwystredig bod yn Aelod a gweld y ffordd rydym wedi plymio dros y pum mlynedd diwethaf, ac am dair o'r blynyddoedd hynny, rydych chi a'ch grŵp yn gwbl—[Torri ar draws.] Fe af ymlaen am ychydig—yn gwbl gyfrifol amdano. Ac nid wyf yn ymddiheuro am nodi'r hyn sy'n amlwg iawn. [Torri ar draws.]
Mae'n dod yn fwyfwy anodd prynu yng Nghymru, yn enwedig fel prynwr tro cyntaf yng Nghymru. Rwy'n gwybod o fy etholaeth fy hun, bydd teulu ifanc yn prynu eu cartref cyntaf, bydd cwpl ifanc yn prynu eu cartref cyntaf, yna maent yn cael teulu, wedyn maent eisiau lle mwy. Rydych chi'n rhoi'r holl rhwystrau yn eu ffordd rhag gallu gwneud hynny. Y costau byw yng Nghymru nawr a'r straen economaidd sydd wedi'i achosi gan Lywodraethau'r DU a Llafur Cymru; maent wedi twyllo a dweud celwydd wrth bobl y DU.
Nawr, mae £147 miliwn y flwyddyn yng Nghymru yn cael ei godi gan dreth trafodiadau tir. Edrychwch ar yr holl wariant gwastraffus ar Faes Awyr Caerdydd. Felly, cwblhawyd 4,631 o gartrefi newydd yng Nghymru, i lawr o 4,771. Dyma'r ffigur isaf ond un a gofnodwyd ac eto rydym i fod i gael 20,000 o gartrefi newydd. Ble maent? Cafodd 3,800 o anheddau eu dechrau yn 2024-25, gostyngiad o 20 y cant. Mae'r rhain yn fethiannau difrifol wrth geisio edrych ar sut rydych chi'n adeiladu economi cenedl fel Cymru.
Rydym ni'n gwybod fel y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig pa mor bwysig yw bod yn berchen ar gartref, oherwydd mae'n dod â sefydlogrwydd yn ei sgil. Mae gallu cael troed ar yr ysgol dai yn uchelgais i lawer. Nid ydym yn ymddiheuro am fod eisiau diddymu treth trafodiadau tir ar gyfer prif breswylfeydd. Mae arweinydd ein Plaid Geidwadol yn y DU, Kemi Badenoch, eisoes wedi cyhoeddi y bydd Llywodraeth Geidwadol yn y dyfodol yn diddymu treth stamp, sef yr hyn sy'n cyfateb yn Lloegr. Mae ein marchnad dai'n anobeithio, ac mae angen ei thrwsio. Mae gormod o'n pobl ifanc yn rhentu ar hyn o bryd. Mae rhieni sy'n gweithio'n cael eu cosbi os ydynt eisiau mwy o le i fagu teulu. Ar hyn o bryd, yr oedran cyfartalog ar gyfer prynwr tro cyntaf yng Nghymru yw 31. Mae angen gwneud mwy i sicrhau eich bod chi'n adeiladu'r tai, ond gobeithio mai 'ni' fydd yn adeiladu'r tai ar ôl mis Mai.
Mae Llafur Cymru a Phlaid Cymru, wrth dynnu Cymru i lawr yn ystod eich cytundeb cydweithio tair blynedd, wedi blaenoriaethu eich prosiectau porthi balchder eich hun, fel diwygio'r Senedd. Cant ac ugain o filiynau—
Will you take an intervention, Janet?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad, Janet?
Yes, go on then.
Iawn, ewch amdani.
Thank you very much. Would you agree with me that the last time that Wales truly had a Conservative Government, in the 1980s, it was the late, great Margaret Thatcher, who was the best Prime Minister this country has ever had, who invested in people's futures by letting people own their own homes and giving them the freedom that they deserve? Would you agree with me on that remark?
Diolch yn fawr. A fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi, y tro diwethaf i Gymru gael Llywodraeth Geidwadol mewn gwirionedd, yn yr 1980au, mai'r ddiweddar Margaret Thatcher, y Prif Weinidog gorau a gafodd y wlad hon erioed, a fuddsoddodd yn nyfodol pobl trwy adael i bobl fod yn berchen ar eu cartrefi eu hunain a rhoi'r rhyddid y maent yn ei haeddu iddynt? A fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi ar y sylw hwnnw?
I would. And I'll let you now, the Welsh Conservatives will always want to support—. The right to buy was a good scheme. Every house sold built three houses. How is that bad economics? [Interruption.] That is true—oh, yes it is. [Interruption.] Panto season has finished, yes. As well as ensuring that young people are supported—
Buaswn. A bydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig bob amser eisiau cefnogi—. Roedd yr hawl i brynu yn gynllun da. Adeiladodd pob tŷ a werthwyd dri thŷ arall. Sut y mae honno'n economeg wael? [Torri ar draws.] Mae hynny'n wir—o, ydy. [Torri ar draws.] Mae tymor y pantomeim wedi dod i ben. Yn ogystal â sicrhau bod pobl ifanc yn cael eu cefnogi—
You've taken some interventions and you've listened to voices off as well. I'll allow you 30 seconds now to conclude your contribution.
Rydych chi wedi derbyn rhai ymyriadau ac rydych chi wedi gwrando ar leisiau eraill hefyd. Fe wnaf ganiatáu 30 eiliad nawr i chi orffen eich cyfraniad.
Thank you. Diolch. We will achieve this through a strong Conservative plan. We will deliver a stronger economy, a stronger country and a stronger housing market. Under the leadership of Darren Millar, we can achieve this.
Diolch. Byddwn yn cyflawni hyn trwy gynllun Ceidwadol cryf. Byddwn yn darparu economi gryfach, gwlad gryfach a marchnad dai gryfach. O dan arweinyddiaeth Darren Millar, gallwn gyflawni hyn.
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros gyllid nawr sydd yn cyfrannu.
The Cabinet Secretary for finance to contribute.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Rydw i wedi gwrando gyda diddordeb ar gyfraniadau yn y ddadl, ond mae'n bwysig dweud ar y dechrau bod trethi yn ariannu gwasanaethau cyhoeddus a seilwaith hanfodol ar gyfer ein cymunedau. Mae'r refeniw o drethi'n cael ei ddefnyddio i sicrhau bod ein cymdeithas yn gyffredinol yn gallu gweithredu a ffynnu. Mae hyn yn cynnwys tai fforddiadwy, athrawon, nyrsys, ffyrdd, cludiant cyhoeddus a chefnogi grwpiau bregus. Mae refeniw treth hefyd yn helpu busnesau yng Nghymru i dyfu a datblygu, gan ddarparu amodau ar gyfer llwyddiant. Mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru egwyddorion craidd sy'n sail i'n gwaith ar drethi. Pwrpas y rhain yw gwneud ein system dreth gyffredinol yn gyson ac yn glir drwy sicrhau bod trethi Cymru'n codi refeniw yn deg, eu bod yn cefnogi polisïau ehangach a'u bod yn glir, sefydlog a syml, yn annog cysylltu eang ac yn helpu i greu Cymru fwy cyfartal i genedlaethau'r dyfodol.
Thank you very much, Llywydd. I've listened with interest to contributions in this debate, but it's important to say at the outset that taxation funds public services and key infrastructure for our communities. The revenue from taxation is used to ensure that our society in general can operate and prosper. This includes affordable homes, teachers, nurses, roads, public transport and supporting vulnerable groups. Tax revenue also helps businesses in Wales to grow and develop, providing conditions for success. The Welsh Government has core principles that are the basis of our work on taxation. The purpose of these is to make our general taxation system consistent and clear by ensuring that Welsh taxes raise revenue fairly and that they support broader policies, that they are clear, stable and simple, that they encourage broad engagement and help to create a more equal Wales for future generations.
Llywydd, I did listen very carefully to the opening speaker in the debate. I heard another Member say that it had been a thoughtful contribution, and I agree that it was. It was downhill rapidly after that on the Conservative benches. The reason why the opening contribution was thoughtful was because the mover of the motion anticipated the weaknesses of it so very clearly.
Here are four reasons why the Government will oppose the motion. First of all, this commitment is entirely unfunded. I too have seen the views of some economists who believe there to be better alternatives to land transaction tax, and I agree that we should think carefully about those alternatives. But it is a very rare voice indeed that argues that the revenues produced through land transaction tax should simply be given up altogether—no alternative, just abolish it. Well, that unlikely band is today swollen by the Welsh Conservative Party.
Maybe there will be little surprise at this, because they come, of course, with previous form in this area. Not only are they prepared to do without the £176 million raised by LTT, but they have already announced that they would cut Welsh rates of income tax by 1p in the pound. That will cost £299 million. They've also said that they would abolish business rates for small businesses and restore reliefs for retail, leisure and hospitality. That's another £300 million in lost revenue.
I heard the leader of the Conservative Party claiming, when Heledd Fychan pointed to the cumulative impact of these pledges, that what she said wasn't true, but if you simply add up those three pledges, that's a cool £0.75 billion lost to Welsh public services, with not a penny to be raised elsewhere. These policies have three things in common. Each one of them lacks credibility. Each one of them could have been implemented during the long 14 years of Conservative Government, and not a single one of them actually happened.
Here's a second reason why we must reject the motion: the proposal is internally full of problems and contradictions. It fails to grasp the basic mechanisms of the tax and how the tax is structured. The Conservative plan would introduce a subjective concept of primary residence that would apply on the day the property is purchased. What happens if the primary residence is changed on the day after the purchase, or the day after that? Would every purchase of a home to be used as a primary residence be exempt even if a former primary residence was still in the ownership of that same purpose? How would the Welsh Revenue Authority, charged with implementing the new system, be able to identify any of that?
Lywydd, gwrandewais yn ofalus iawn ar y siaradwr agoriadol yn y ddadl. Clywais Aelod arall yn dweud ei fod wedi bod yn gyfraniad meddylgar, ac rwy'n cytuno ei fod. Aeth ar ei oriwaered yn gyflym ar ôl hynny ar feinciau'r Ceidwadwyr. Y rheswm pam yr oedd y cyfraniad agoriadol yn feddylgar oedd oherwydd bod cyflwynwr y cynnig yn rhagweld gwendidau'r cynnig mor glir.
Dyma bedwar rheswm pam y bydd y Llywodraeth yn gwrthwynebu'r cynnig. Yn gyntaf oll, mae'r ymrwymiad hwn heb ei ariannu o gwbl. Rwyf innau hefyd wedi gweld barn economegwyr sy'n credu bod yna ddewisiadau amgen gwell i'w cael yn lle treth trafodiadau tir, ac rwy'n cytuno y dylem feddwl yn ofalus am y dewisiadau amgen hynny. Ond ychydig iawn o bobl yn wir a fyddai'n dadlau y dylid rhoi'r gorau'n gyfan gwbl i'r refeniw a gynhyrchir trwy dreth trafodiadau tir—dim dewis arall, dim ond ei ddiddymu. Wel, mae'r band annhebygol hwnnw heddiw wedi'i chwyddo gan y Blaid Geidwadol Gymreig.
Efallai na fydd fawr o syndod ynglŷn â hyn, oherwydd mae ganddynt hanes yn y maes. Nid yn unig eu bod yn barod i wneud heb y £176 miliwn a godir gan dreth trafodiadau tir, maent eisoes wedi cyhoeddi y byddent yn torri cyfraddau treth incwm Cymru 1 geiniog yn y bunt. Bydd hynny'n costio £299 miliwn. Maent hefyd wedi dweud y byddent yn diddymu ardrethi busnes i fusnesau bach ac yn adfer rhyddhadau ar gyfer manwerthu, hamdden a lletygarwch. Dyna £300 miliwn arall mewn refeniw a gollir.
Clywais arweinydd y Blaid Geidwadol yn honni, pan dynnodd Heledd Fychan sylw at effaith gronnol yr addewidion hyn, nad oedd yr hyn a ddywedodd yn wir, ond os ydych chi'n adio'r tri addewid, mae'n £0.75 biliwn wedi'i golli i wasanaethau cyhoeddus Cymru, heb geiniog i'w godi mewn mannau eraill. Mae gan y polisïau hyn dri pheth yn gyffredin. Mae pob un ohonynt yn brin o hygrededd. Gallai pob un ohonynt fod wedi cael eu gweithredu yn ystod y 14 mlynedd hir o Lywodraeth Geidwadol, ac ni ddigwyddodd yr un ohonynt mewn gwirionedd.
Dyma ail reswm pam y mae'n rhaid inni wrthod y cynnig: mae'r cynnig yn llawn o broblemau ac anghysonderau. Mae'n methu deall mecanweithiau sylfaenol y dreth a sut y mae'r dreth wedi'i strwythuro. Byddai'r cynllun Ceidwadol yn cyflwyno cysyniad goddrychol o brif breswylfa a fyddai'n berthnasol ar y diwrnod y prynir yr eiddo. Beth sy'n digwydd os bydd y brif breswylfa'n cael ei newid ar y diwrnod ar ôl y pryniant, neu'r diwrnod ar ôl hwnnw? A fyddai pob pryniant cartref i'w ddefnyddio fel prif breswylfa yn cael ei eithrio hyd yn oed pe bai hen brif breswylfa yn dal i fod ym mherchnogaeth yr un unigolyn? Sut y byddai Awdurdod Refeniw Cymru, sy'n gyfrifol am weithredu'r system newydd, yn gallu nodi dim o hynny?
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Of course.
Wrth gwrs.
Just very quickly, because it's an important point. I accept the issue that you have raised, but that is exactly an issue that is already tested at the moment, is it not, for all sorts of other purposes by the Government, in terms of council tax premiums, for example, in terms of other forms of taxation: somebody's primary or main residence versus if they have a second or third property.
Yn gyflym iawn, oherwydd mae'n bwynt pwysig. Rwy'n derbyn y mater rydych chi wedi'i godi, ond mae hwnnw'n fater sydd eisoes yn cael ei brofi ar hyn o bryd, onid yw, ar gyfer pob math o ddibenion eraill gan y Llywodraeth, o ran premiymau treth gyngor, er enghraifft, o ran mathau eraill o drethiant: prif breswylfa rhywun neu a oes ganddynt ail neu drydydd eiddo.
Llywydd, that's exactly right, but that's because there is a book of rules and your proposal has no rules at all. I've just asked you how would you know. There is nothing in what you have said or published that would answer the simple questions I have just asked you. You have a proposal and you have no—[Interruption.] It's no use the leader of the opposition pointing to the fact that people have solved other problems; I'm asking you how you're going to solve this problem, and the truth of the matter is that you have no answers to those questions. You want to—[Interruption.]
Lywydd, mae hynny'n berffaith gywir, ond mae hynny oherwydd bod llyfr o reolau ac nid oes gan eich cynnig unrhyw reolau o gwbl. Rwyf newydd ofyn i chi sut y byddech chi'n gwybod. Nid oes unrhyw beth yn yr hyn rydych chi wedi'i ddweud neu ei gyhoeddi a fyddai'n ateb y cwestiynau syml rwyf newydd eu gofyn i chi. Mae gennych gynnig ac nid oes gennych unrhyw—[Torri ar draws.] Nid oes pwynt i arweinydd yr wrthblaid nodi'r ffaith bod pobl wedi datrys problemau eraill; rwy'n gofyn i chi sut y gwnewch chi ddatrys y broblem hon, a'r gwir amdani yw nad oes gennych atebion i'r cwestiynau hynny. Rydych chi eisiau—[Torri ar draws.]
You said at the start of your contribution that you've listened to the debate, and what I outlined in my contribution was the remarks of the Institute for Fiscal Studies, who said that, in economic terms, it's a damaging tax. And that was the view that the Treasury Committee came to within Parliament. So, are you deliberately ignoring those, or do you acknowledge those remarks and are you in a position to factor those into your views on the matter?
Fe ddywedoch chi ar ddechrau eich cyfraniad eich bod wedi gwrando ar y ddadl, a'r hyn a amlinellais yn fy nghyfraniad oedd sylwadau'r Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid, a ddywedodd ei bod yn dreth niweidiol mewn termau economaidd. A dyna oedd y farn y daeth Pwyllgor y Trysorlys iddi yn Senedd y DU. Felly, a ydych chi'n fwriadol yn anwybyddu'r rheini, neu a ydych chi'n cydnabod y sylwadau hynny ac a ydych chi mewn sefyllfa i gynnwys y rheini fel ffactor yn eich safbwyntiau ar y mater?
I've already said that there are serious critiques of land transaction tax. What I'm saying is that the policy you propose entirely lacks credibility, because you're not able to answer even the most simple, practical questions about the way in which your policy would actually operate on the ground. It is a recipe for administrative confusion and taxpayer error, and in the current state of its development, it simply won't work.
Let me make a great imaginative leap, and assume for a moment that those practical hurdles can be overcome. The policy runs then into the third objection, in that it just won't do what its supporters here claim. One of the things on which most experts are agreed is that in the post-Thatcher era, too few houses have been built across the United Kingdom. In a seller's market, any reduction in land transaction tax, as Mike Hedges explained, operates to the advantage not of the person trying to buy a house, but the person selling. The tax will go down, the price will go up. The difference will be pocketed by the seller, the buyer will be no better off. It really is as simple as that. The taxpayer will have provided a £176 million bonus to those who are already asset rich—
Rwyf eisoes wedi dweud bod y dreth trafodiadau tir wedi bod yn destun beirniadaeth ddifrifol. Yr hyn rwy'n ei ddweud yw bod y polisi rydych chi'n ei gynnig yn gwbl brin o hygrededd, oherwydd nid ydych chi'n gallu ateb hyd yn oed y cwestiynau mwyaf syml ac ymarferol am y ffordd y byddai eich polisi'n gweithredu ar lawr gwlad. Mae'n rysáit ar gyfer dryswch gweinyddol a chamgymeriadau trethdalwyr, ac fel y mae wedi'i datblygu ar hyn o bryd, ni fydd yn gweithio.
Gadewch imi wneud naid fawr yn y dychymyg, a chymryd yn ganiataol am eiliad y gellir goresgyn y rhwystrau ymarferol hynny. Mae'r polisi wedyn yn wynebu'r trydydd gwrthwynebiad, yn yr ystyr na fydd yn gwneud yr hyn y mae ei gefnogwyr yma yn ei honni. Un o'r pethau y mae'r rhan fwyaf o arbenigwyr yn cytuno yn ei gylch yw bod rhy ychydig o dai wedi'u hadeiladu ar draws y Deyrnas Unedig yn y cyfnod ôl-Thatcher. Mewn marchnad gwerthwr, mae unrhyw ostyngiad mewn treth trafodiadau tir, fel yr esboniodd Mike Hedges, yn gweithredu er budd, nid y person sy'n ceisio prynu tŷ, ond y person sy'n gwerthu. Bydd y dreth yn gostwng, bydd y pris yn codi. Bydd y gwahaniaeth yn mynd i boced y gwerthwr, ni fydd y prynwr yn well ei fyd. Mae mor syml â hynny. Bydd y trethdalwr wedi darparu bonws o £176 miliwn i'r rhai sydd eisoes yn gyfoethog mewn asedau—
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Of course.
Wrth gwrs.
Again, an interesting point that you have made, but don't you accept that most people who are buying a house are actually selling one as well? So, actually, the net benefit is the fact that there's the wonderful introduction and freeing up of cash that happens when people move property and move home with all of those tradespeople, all of the money that's spent on new kitchens, bathrooms, carpets, furniture stores on local high streets that benefit. So, when you say only the sellers will benefit—. I don't accept that it's only the sellers that benefit, but the sellers are often the purchasers as well, in the majority of cases.
Unwaith eto, rydych chi'n gwneud pwynt diddorol, ond onid ydych chi'n derbyn bod y rhan fwyaf o bobl sy'n prynu tŷ yn gwerthu un hefyd? Felly, mewn gwirionedd, y budd net yw'r ffaith bod arian parod yn cael ei gyflwyno a'i ryddhau pan fydd pobl yn symud eiddo ac yn symud cartref gyda'r holl grefftwyr hynny, yr holl arian sy'n cael ei wario ar geginau newydd, ystafelloedd ymolchi, carpedi, siopau dodrefn ar strydoedd mawr lleol sy'n elwa. Felly, pan fyddwch chi'n dweud mai dim ond y gwerthwyr a fydd yn elwa—. Nid wyf yn derbyn mai dim ond y gwerthwyr sy'n elwa, ond y gwerthwyr yn aml yw'r prynwyr hefyd, yn y mwyafrif o achosion.
And they're now buying houses that are more expensive than they would have been due to the fact that your policy had been introduced. It's not a benefit. The policy does not benefit buyers, and it certainly doesn't benefit first-time buyers, a point that so many of your Members have tried to emphasise this afternoon.
This brings me to the final and most significant objection to the policy. Most people in Wales do not pay land transaction tax at all. Six out of 10 purchasers do not pay LTT, because the progressive nature of our policy, quite different to the one in England, means that we have always kept the threshold at which the tax begins above the cost of an average house price in Wales, and well above the average price paid by a first-time buyer.
Before Christmas, the Senedd debated the merits of a wealth tax. All parties other than the Welsh Conservatives agreed that those who had the most should be asked to contribute the most, and that's what LTT does in Wales. The more wealth you have at your disposal, the more expensive an asset you are able to buy, the more you are expected to contribute in land transaction tax. A simple example of the progressive approach in action.
Here again, Llywydd, we must take an imaginative leap into the world of policy make-believe where this policy actually acts to the benefit of buyers. What sort of buyers would be helped by this policy? By definition, those who have the greatest resources already. Resources in excess of the £225,000 at which the tax starts to be taken in Wales, and well above the £181,000 that is paid by the average first-time buyer. In other words, this is a tax cut that by definition only helps those who already have the most. The more you have, the more this policy would help you. It is the exact opposite of the policy approach taken by successive Welsh Governments. It takes money from those services that need it the most and gives it in bucketfuls to those who need it the least. So, what the Senedd is being asked to endorse today is a policy of which the kindest thing that could be said is that it would not work, because if it did work, it would quite clearly do even more harm. I ask colleagues to vote against it.
Ac maent yn prynu tai nawr sy'n ddrytach nag y byddent wedi bod yn sgil cyflwyno eich polisi. Nid yw'n fudd. Nid yw'r polisi o fudd i brynwyr, ac yn sicr nid yw o fudd i brynwyr tro cyntaf, pwynt y mae cymaint o'ch Aelodau wedi ceisio ei bwysleisio y prynhawn yma.
Daw hyn â mi at y gwrthwynebiad terfynol a mwyaf arwyddocaol i'r polisi. Nid yw'r rhan fwyaf o bobl yng Nghymru yn talu treth trafodiadau tir o gwbl. Nid yw chwech o bob 10 prynwr yn talu treth trafodiadau tir, oherwydd mae natur flaengar ein polisi, sy'n wahanol iawn i'r un yn Lloegr, yn golygu ein bod bob amser wedi cadw'r trothwy lle mae'r dreth yn dechrau uwchlaw pris tŷ cyfartalog yng Nghymru, ac ymhell uwchlaw'r pris cyfartalog a delir gan brynwr tro cyntaf.
Cyn y Nadolig, trafododd y Senedd rinweddau treth ar gyfoeth. Roedd pob plaid heblaw am y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn cytuno y dylid gofyn i'r rhai sydd â'r mwyaf o gyfoeth gyfrannu'r swm mwyaf, a dyna beth y mae'r dreth trafodiadau tir yn ei wneud yng Nghymru. Po fwyaf o gyfoeth sydd gennych ar gael i chi, po ddrytaf yr ased y gallwch ei brynu, y mwyaf y disgwylir i chi gyfrannu mewn treth trafodiadau tir. Enghraifft syml o'r dull blaengar ar waith.
Yma eto, Lywydd, rhaid inni wneud naid yn y dychymyg i fyd polisi dychmygol lle mae'r polisi hwn yn gweithredu er budd prynwyr. Pa fath o brynwyr a fyddai'n cael eu helpu gan y polisi hwn? Drwy ddiffiniad, y rhai sydd â'r adnoddau mwyaf eisoes. Adnoddau sy'n fwy na'r £225,000 lle dechreuir codi'r dreth yng Nghymru, ac ymhell uwchlaw'r £181,000 sy'n cael ei dalu gan y prynwr tro cyntaf cyfartalog. Mewn geiriau eraill, mae hwn yn doriad treth sydd ond yn helpu'r rhai sydd â'r cyfoeth mwyaf eisoes. Po fwyaf sydd gennych, y mwyaf y byddai'r polisi hwn yn eich helpu. Mae'n llwyr i'r gwrthwyneb i'r dull polisi a weithredwyd gan Lywodraethau Cymru olynol. Mae'n mynd ag arian oddi wrth y gwasanaethau sydd ei angen fwyaf ac yn ei arllwys i bocedi'r rhai sydd ei angen leiaf. Felly, yr hyn y gofynnir i'r Senedd ei gymeradwyo heddiw yw polisi lle mai'r peth caredicaf y gellid ei ddweud amdano yw na fyddai'n gweithio, oherwydd pe bai'n gweithio, byddai'n amlwg yn gwneud mwy fyth o niwed. Rwy'n gofyn i gyd-Aelodau bleidleisio yn ei erbyn.
Sam Rowlands nawr sy'n ymateb i'r ddadl.
Sam Rowlands to reply to the debate.
Thank you, Llywydd. I'm grateful to all Members who have contributed in this debate here this afternoon, including the Cabinet Secretary for his contribution in response to the debate here today. The Cabinet Secretary opened up by describing the debate as moving downhill pretty rapidly. I do feel, though, he did bring us to the depths of despair with his contribution, walking us through the socialist love of taxation and why it's such a wonderful thing for the people of Wales.
The Cabinet Secretary's position throughout his contribution was one that assumed that land transaction tax, or stamp duty in England, has always existed and should never, ever be considered for removal, that it's something that is sacred and has every right to remain there forever and a day. But what Joel James, in his opening, actually did was point out that this is not just about the tax itself; it's about opportunity and putting power back into the hands of families here in Wales, because, as Conservatives, he pointed out, we believe that owning your own home gives you a real stake in your society and roots in your community. A nation of homeowners is a nation of stakeholders.
Diolch, Lywydd. Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r holl Aelodau sydd wedi cyfrannu yn y ddadl y prynhawn yma, gan gynnwys Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei gyfraniad mewn ymateb i'r ddadl yma heddiw. Agorodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet trwy ddisgrifio'r ddadl fel un a aeth ar ei goriwaered yn eithaf cyflym. Rwy'n teimlo, fodd bynnag, ei fod wedi mynd â ni i ddyfnderoedd anobaith gyda'i gyfraniad, gan ein tywys trwy'r cariad sosialaidd at drethi a pham ei fod yn beth mor wych i bobl Cymru.
Roedd safbwynt Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet trwy gydol ei gyfraniad yn un a oedd yn cymryd yn ganiataol fod treth trafodiadau tir, neu dreth stamp yn Lloegr, wedi bodoli erioed ac na ddylid byth bythoedd ystyried ei dileu, ei bod yn rhywbeth sy'n sanctaidd a chanddi bob hawl i barhau am byth. Ond yr hyn a wnaeth Joel James yn ei agoriad oedd nodi bod hyn yn ymwneud â mwy na'r dreth ei hun yn unig; mae'n ymwneud â chyfle a rhoi pŵer yn ôl yn nwylo teuluoedd yma yng Nghymru, oherwydd, fel Ceidwadwyr, nododd, rydym yn credu bod bod yn berchen ar eich cartref eich hun yn cynnig rhan go iawn i chi ym mywyd eich cymdeithas a gwreiddiau yn eich cymuned. Mae cenedl o berchnogion tai yn genedl o randdeiliaid.
And it's not just about home ownership, though, as something that should be within the reach of young people up and down Wales, giving them stability and security, but it's also something that allows older homeowners to downsize if they wish. But, under this Welsh Labour Government, propped up by their friends in Plaid Cymru, this is increasingly impossible, and that's absolutely objectively true. Our housing market is not working as well as it should today. Young people are trapped renting, working parents are penalised is they want more space to raise a family, and there are obstacles for pensioners who want to downsize. This makes our economy weaker, and a number of contributors commented on the economics of this, and it's economists across the spectrum who describe stamp duty as one of the most economically damaging taxes that we have, and are nearly unanimous on this point.
I heard colleagues point to the study by the Institute for Fiscal Studies that describes stamp duty as an economic nonsense, because it rewards people for staying put and punishes them for moving. The OECD have highlighted how this tax acts as a roadblock for labour mobility, when the cost of moving is artificially inflated by thousands of pounds of tax, and the Mirrlees review suggests that stamp duty is one of the most damaging taxes, far more harmful than VAT or income tax—quite literally, a tax on someone trying to improve their life.
So, by removing this barrier, we don't just make houses cheaper, we make the entire economy more mobile, efficient and dynamic. And it was Peter Fox who pointed to the fact that the Welsh Labour Government and Plaid Cymru don't really understand the economy still, even after all these years, nearly 27 years into governing here directly in Wales. They're not acknowledging the real economic opportunities in front of them, with things like scrapping the land transaction tax—further evidence they don't really know what they're doing on the economy. They have made home ownership more difficult and less affordable, while creating a system that traps older people in homes too large for their needs. They've delivered a stagnant housing market, blocked mobility, and have a weaker Welsh economy as a result.
And Plaid's cosy deal with Labour means more spending on their own vanity projects, rather than putting money into the pockets of hardworking families, or releasing the housing market to work for the people of Wales. It's not just a tax cut; it's a kickstart for the economy, a chance to make housing more affordable, and a way to unlock the Welsh housing market, millions of pounds currently tied up in a tax that blocks families from buying, selling and moving freely. That is money that can be put to work, growing our economy, supporting businesses and allowing families to spend more in their communities. Of course, Plaid Cymru and Welsh Labour claim they care about young people, yet, under their watch, the average age of first-time buyers, as Gareth Davies pointed out, has again increased. New home building, as Janet Finch-Saunders has pointed out, has fallen year on year, and the target for low-carbon social housing is set to be missed again.
Only the Welsh Conservatives have a credible plan to fix the broken housing market here in Wales, to free up supply, and to give people the dignity of owning their own home. It was Mike Hedges who expressed a number of concerns with our proposed policy here today, in particular around—as the Cabinet Secretary also pointed out his concerns—with the perceived risk of increase of cost of housing, but I'm sure both members of the Labour Party would understand the dynamics of supply and demand, and what scrapping the land transaction tax would do is increase supply. And what does increased supply do? It actually makes things more affordable here in Wales. So, that argument, I believe, is one that is debunked.
As Gareth Davies pointed out, scrapping land transaction tax will release tens of thousands of homes onto the market, creating economic activity, supporting local businesses. It will boost mobility, increase investment, and strengthen the Welsh economy at a time when, as Janet Finch-Saunders pointed out, policies put in place by Labour, along with Plaid Cymru, have held us back.
And Plaid Cymru talk about protecting Wales, but their record shows that they prefer blocking progress, propping up Labour and keeping our economy weak. And the contributions from the Plaid Cymru Member seemed to be more concerned about James Evans's excellent contribution on Sharp End last night than about anything else.
The Welsh Conservatives are the party that actually gives people a stake in their communities, more money in their pockets and a stronger and growing economy. The choice is clear: Plaid Cymru and Labour will continue to block change, hold back the housing market and weaken our economy. The Welsh Conservatives will abolish land transaction tax, get homes moving, boost economic activity and deliver real opportunities for Welsh families. For the sake of a stronger Wales and a fairer housing market, I would urge all Members to back the Welsh Conservatives' proposal to scrap land transaction tax for primary residences. There's a clear Conservative plan for an aspirational country to deliver a stronger economy and a stronger Wales.
Ac mae a wnelo hyn â mwy na pherchnogaeth tai yn unig, er hynny, fel rhywbeth a ddylai fod o fewn cyrraedd i bobl ifanc ledled Cymru, gan roi sefydlogrwydd a diogelwch iddynt, mae hefyd yn rhywbeth sy'n caniatáu i berchnogion tai hŷn symud i gartref llai os ydynt yn dymuno. Ond o dan y Llywodraeth Lafur hon yng Nghymru, wedi'i chynnal gan eu ffrindiau ym Mhlaid Cymru, mae hyn yn gynyddol amhosib, ac mae hynny'n hollol wir yn wrthrychol. Nid yw ein marchnad dai'n gweithio cystal ag y dylai heddiw. Nid oes dewis gan bobl ifanc ond rhentu, mae rhieni sy'n gweithio yn cael eu cosbi os ydynt eisiau mwy o le i fagu teulu, ac mae rhwystrau i bensiynwyr sydd eisiau symud i gartref llai. Mae hyn yn gwneud ein heconomi'n wannach, a gwnaeth nifer o gyfranwyr sylwadau ar economeg hyn, ac mae economegwyr ar draws y sbectrwm yn disgrifio'r dreth stamp fel un o'r trethi mwyaf economaidd niweidiol sydd gennym, ac maent bron yn unfrydol ar y pwynt hwn.
Clywais gyd-Aelodau'n tynnu sylw at yr astudiaeth gan y Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid sy'n disgrifio'r dreth stamp fel nonsens economaidd, gan ei bod yn gwobrwyo pobl am aros lle maent ac yn eu cosbi am symud. Mae'r Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd wedi tynnu sylw at sut y mae'r dreth hon yn gweithredu fel rhwystr i symudedd llafur, pan fo cost symud yn cael ei chwyddo'n artiffisial gan filoedd o bunnoedd o drethi, ac mae adolygiad Mirrlees yn awgrymu mai'r dreth stamp yw un o'r trethi mwyaf niweidiol, ac yn llawer mwy niweidiol na TAW neu dreth incwm—yn llythrennol, treth ar rywun sy'n ceisio gwella eu bywyd.
Felly, drwy gael gwared ar y rhwystr hwn, rydym yn gwneud tai yn rhatach, ac rydym yn gwneud yr economi gyfan yn fwy bywiog, effeithlon a deinamig. A Peter Fox a nododd y ffaith nad yw Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru a Phlaid Cymru yn deall yr economi o hyd, hyd yn oed ar ôl yr holl flynyddoedd, ar ôl llywodraethu yma'n uniongyrchol yng Nghymru am bron i 27 mlynedd. Nid ydynt yn cydnabod y cyfleoedd economaidd go iawn o'u blaenau, gyda phethau fel diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir—tystiolaeth bellach nad ydynt o ddifrif yn gwybod beth y maent yn ei wneud gyda'r economi. Maent wedi gwneud perchnogaeth tai'n anos ac yn llai fforddiadwy, gan greu system sy'n cadw pobl hŷn mewn cartrefi sy'n rhy fawr i'w hanghenion. Maent wedi creu marchnad dai farwaidd, wedi rhwystro symudedd, ac wedi sicrhau economi wannach yng Nghymru o ganlyniad.
Ac mae bargen glòs Plaid Cymru â Llafur yn golygu mwy o wariant ar eu prosiectau porthi balchder eu hunain, yn hytrach na rhoi arian ym mhocedi teuluoedd gweithgar, neu ryddhau'r farchnad dai i weithio i bobl Cymru. Nid toriad treth yn unig yw hyn; mae'n hwb i'r economi, yn gyfle i wneud tai yn fwy fforddiadwy, ac yn ffordd o ddatgloi marchnad dai Cymru, miliynau o bunnoedd wedi'i gloi mewn treth ar hyn o bryd sy'n rhwystro teuluoedd rhag prynu, gwerthu a symud yn rhydd. Mae hwnnw'n arian y gellir ei ddefnyddio i dyfu ein heconomi, i gefnogi busnesau a chaniatáu i deuluoedd wario mwy yn eu cymunedau. Wrth gwrs, mae Plaid Cymru a Llafur Cymru’n honni eu bod yn malio am bobl ifanc, ond o dan eu goruchwyliaeth, mae oedran cyfartalog prynwyr tro cyntaf, fel y nododd Gareth Davies, wedi codi eto. Mae lefelau adeiladu tai newydd, fel y nododd Janet Finch-Saunders, wedi gostwng flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn, ac mae disgwyl i'r targed ar gyfer tai cymdeithasol carbon isel gael ei fethu eto.
Dim ond y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig sydd â chynllun credadwy i drwsio'r farchnad dai doredig yma yng Nghymru, i ryddhau cyflenwad, ac i roi'r urddas i bobl o fod yn berchen ar eu cartref eu hunain. Mynegodd Mike Hedges nifer o bryderon gyda'n polisi arfaethedig yma heddiw, yn enwedig—nododd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ei bryderon hefyd—mewn perthynas â'r risg ganfyddedig o gynnydd yng nghost tai, ond rwy'n siŵr y byddai'r ddau aelod o'r Blaid Lafur yn deall dynameg cyflenwad a galw, a'r hyn y byddai diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir yn ei wneud yw cynyddu'r cyflenwad. A beth y mae cyflenwad mwy yn ei wneud? Mae'n gwneud pethau'n fwy fforddiadwy yma yng Nghymru. Felly, rwy'n credu bod y ddadl honno'n un sydd wedi'i gwrthbrofi.
Fel y nododd Gareth Davies, bydd diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir yn rhyddhau degau o filoedd o gartrefi ar y farchnad, gan greu gweithgarwch economaidd, a chefnogi busnesau lleol. Bydd yn hybu symudedd, yn cynyddu buddsoddiad, ac yn cryfhau economi Cymru ar adeg pan fo polisïau a roddwyd ar waith gan Lafur, ynghyd â Phlaid Cymru, wedi ein dal yn ôl, fel y nododd Janet Finch-Saunders.
Ac mae Plaid Cymru’n sôn am ddiogelu Cymru, ond mae eu hanes yn dangos ei bod yn well ganddynt rwystro cynnydd, cynnal Llafur a chadw ein heconomi'n wan. Ac roedd y cyfraniadau gan yr Aelod o Blaid Cymru'n ymwneud mwy â chyfraniad rhagorol James Evans ar Sharp End neithiwr nag unrhyw beth arall yn ôl pob golwg.
Y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yw'r blaid sy'n rhoi cyfran i bobl yn eu cymunedau, mwy o arian yn eu pocedi ac economi gryfach sy'n tyfu. Mae'r dewis yn glir: bydd Plaid Cymru a Llafur yn parhau i rwystro newid, llesteirio'r farchnad dai a gwanhau ein heconomi. Bydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn diddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir, yn bywiogi'r farchnad dai, yn hybu gweithgarwch economaidd ac yn darparu cyfleoedd go iawn i deuluoedd Cymru. Er lles Cymru gryfach a marchnad dai decach, rwy'n annog pob Aelod i gefnogi cynnig y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig i ddiddymu'r dreth trafodiadau tir ar brif breswylfeydd. Ceir cynllun Ceidwadol clir ar gyfer gwlad uchelgeisiol i ddarparu economi gryfach a Chymru gryfach.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes, mae yna wrthwynebiad. Fe wnawn ni ohirio'r bleidlais, felly.
The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] There are objections. We will therefore defer voting.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Detholwyd y gwelliannau canlynol: gwelliant 1 yn enw Paul Davies, a gwelliant 2 yn enw Jane Hutt. Os derbynnir gwelliant 1, caiff gwelliant 2 ei ddad-dethol.
The following amendments have been selected: amendment 1 in the name of Paul Davies, and amendment 2 in the name of Jane Hutt. If amendment 1 is not agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected.
Eitem 8 sydd nesaf. Dadl Plaid Cymru yw hon ar etholiad y Senedd, a Rhun ap Iorwerth sy'n cyflwyno'r cynnig.
We will move to item 8, the Plaid Cymru debate on the Senedd election. I call on Rhun ap Iorwerth to move the motion.
Cynnig NDM9102 Heledd Fychan
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
1. Yn nodi etholiad y Senedd sydd i’w gynnal ar 7 Mai 2026.
2. Yn credu bod etholiad y Senedd yn rhoi cyfle i arwain Cymru o’r newydd.
3. Yn galw am weithredu cynigion Plaid Cymru i:
a) cyflwyno cynllun rhestrau aros i glirio'r ôl-groniad presennol, i roi'r GIG ar sylfaen fwy cynaliadwy a sicrhau nad yw cleifion yn aros blynyddoedd mewn poen am driniaeth;
b) sefydlu asiantaeth ddatblygu genedlaethol newydd, gan ddarparu 'siop un stop' ar gyfer cymorth busnes, gan gefnogi a thyfu busnesau Cymreig ym mhob cam o'u datblygiad;
c) cyflwyno cynnig gofal plant sy’n darparu o leiaf 20 awr yr wythnos i bob plentyn, gan roi'r dechrau gorau mewn bywyd i’n plant a chaniatáu i rieni ddychwelyd i'r gwaith;
d) cyflwyno cynllun llythrennedd a rhifedd sylfaenol i sefydlu meincnodau cenedlaethol, darparu cefnogaeth wedi'i thargedu, a sicrhau addysgu o ansawdd uchel a thracio cynnydd tryloyw; ac
e) cyflwyno bil Cymru newydd i sicrhau cydraddoldeb pwerau datganoledig â'r Alban, fel dull angenrheidiol i ddatgloi potensial Cymru.
4. Yn gresynu bod 26 mlynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi arwain at:
a) dros 8,700 o lwybrau gofal yn aros dros ddwy flynedd am driniaeth, er gwaethaf y targed i ddileu amseroedd aros o'r fath yn llwyr erbyn mis Mawrth 2023;
b) cyfraddau incwm gwario gros isaf y pen ac incwm sylfaenol y pen yng Nghymru sydd yr ail isaf o holl genhedloedd a rhanbarthau'r DU, gyda'r ddau yn gostwng fel cyfran o gyfartaledd y DU; ac
c) sgoriau PISA Cymru mewn llythrennedd a rhifedd sydd yr isaf erioed ers cymryd rhan yn y rhaglen am y tro cyntaf yn 2006, a'r isaf ymhlith cenhedloedd y DU am y pumed tro yn olynol.
5. Yn gresynu ymhellach fod partneriaeth mewn pŵer Llafur wedi gadael Cymru i lawr.
Motion NDM9102 Heledd Fychan
To propose that the Senedd:
1. Notes the upcoming Senedd election on 7 May 2026.
2. Believes that the Senedd election provides an opportunity for new leadership for Wales.
3. Calls for the implementation of Plaid Cymru’s proposals to:
a) introduce a waiting list plan to clear the current backlog, put the NHS on a more sustainable footing and ensure patients are not left waiting years in pain for treatment;
b) establish a new national development agency, providing a one-stop-shop for business support, supporting and growing Welsh-owned businesses at every stage of their development;
c) introduce a minimum 20 hour-a-week universal childcare offer to give every child the best start in life and allow parents to return to work;
d) introduce a foundational literacy and numeracy plan to establish national benchmarks, provide targeted support, and ensure high-quality teaching and transparent progress tracking; and
e) introduce a new Wales bill to secure parity of devolved powers with Scotland, as a necessary lever to unlock Wales’s potential.
4. Regrets that 26 years of a Labour Welsh Government has led to:
a) over 8,700 pathways waiting over two years for treatment despite the target to eradicate such waits completely by March 2023;
b) Wales having the second lowest gross disposable income per head and primary income per head of all the UK nations and regions, with both falling as a proportion of the UK average; and
c) Wales’s scores in literacy and numeracy being the lowest they have been since first participating in PISA in 2006, and are the lowest among UK nations for the fifth time in a row.
5. Further regrets that Labour’s partnership in power has let Wales down.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. Dwi'n falch o agor dadl gyntaf Plaid Cymru yn 2026, blwyddyn sy'n addo bod yn un arwyddocaol iawn yn hanes gwleidyddiaeth ein cenedl a'r gred go iawn, rŵan, bod newid cyfeiriad yn bosib ym mis Mai. Ac rydyn ni'n ymddiried ym mhobl Cymru i wneud y dewis iawn. Ydyn, mae'r arolygon barn yn adrodd stori. Maen nhw'n rhoi blas o farn y cyhoedd ar hyn o bryd, ond tra fy mod i'n sicr yn cymryd dim yn ganiataol, beth sydd gennym ni ydy stori am ba mor eiddgar ydy pobl rŵan am newid positif, pa mor barod ydyn nhw i droi eu cefnau ar status quo Llafur, ac arwyddion mor glir sydd yna eu bod nhw yn barod i gefnogi gweledigaeth Plaid Cymru fel Llywodraeth sydd yn benderfynol o sefyll bob amser dros fuddiannau Cymru, a hynny yn ddiamod. Ac fel mae cynnig Plaid Cymru yn gosod allan y prynhawn yma, rhwng y methiannau yn ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, absenoldeb polisïau arloesol a beiddgar i fynd i'r afael â'r heriau o fewn ein cymunedau a'r amharodrwydd parhaus yna i sefyll i fyny i Keir Starmer, does yna ddim syndod bod pobl Cymru wedi colli ymddiriedaeth yn arweinyddiaeth Llafur.
Thank you, Llywydd. I'm pleased to open Plaid Cymru's first debate in 2026, a year that promises to be very significant in the history of the politics of our nation amid the real belief that a change of direction is possible in May. And we do trust in the people of Wales to make the right choice. Yes, the opinion polls do tell a story. They give us a taste of the public's opinion at present, but while I am not taking anything for granted, what we do have is a story about how eager people are for a positive change and how ready they are to turn their backs on the Labour status quo, and there are such clear signs that they are ready to support Plaid Cymru's vision as a Government that is determined to stand up for the interests of Wales, without any conditions. And as Plaid Cymru's motion sets out today, between the failures in our public services and the absence of innovative policies to tackle the challenges within our communities and the continuous unwillingness to stand up to Keir Starmer, it's not surprising that the people of Wales have lost trust in Labour leadership.
Everywhere you look now, whether it's in the health system, in our economy, in our schools, in society more broadly, we are a long way from where we want to be as a nation: our precious NHS on an unsustainable footing, creaking under the pressure of a waiting list backlog that has grown by approximately 200,000 since the last election alone; a stagnant economy for too long that ranks among the worst performing in the UK on employment, on productivity and on wage growth; a third of children living in poverty; a cost-of-living crisis still biting, of course, and showing little sign of easing; pupil attainment—those levels deteriorating to the extent that Wales recently recorded its worst-ever PISA scores, and a fifth of Welsh children are classified as functionally illiterate by the time they reach secondary school.
And the journey of Welsh devolution was not only stopped in its tracks by the Government's so-called partners in power, denying us the opportunity to control our own destiny on issues such as justice and the Crown Estate, but actively reversed in several areas, as 11 Labour Members were right to point out at the end of last year. [Interruption.] Just give me a few moments, if you could, Gareth. This is Labour's record that will be judged in May's election, and it makes for grim reading. Gareth Davies.
Ym mhobman rydych chi'n edrych nawr, boed yn y system iechyd, yn ein heconomi, yn ein hysgolion, yn y gymdeithas yn ehangach, rydym ymhell o ble rydym eisiau bod fel cenedl: mae ein GIG gwerthfawr yn anghynaliadwy, yn gwegian o dan bwysau ôl-groniad rhestr aros sydd wedi tyfu oddeutu 200,000 ers yr etholiad diwethaf yn unig; economi sydd wedi bod yn farwaidd yn rhy hir ac sydd ymhlith y gwaethaf yn y DU o ran cyflogaeth, cynhyrchiant a thwf cyflogau; traean o blant yn byw mewn tlodi; argyfwng costau byw yn dal i frathu, wrth gwrs, heb unrhyw arwydd o lacio; cyrhaeddiad disgyblion—y lefelau hynny'n dirywio i'r graddau fod Cymru wedi cofnodi ei sgoriau PISA gwaethaf erioed yn ddiweddar, ac mae un rhan o bump o blant Cymru yn weithredol anllythrennog erbyn iddynt gyrraedd yr ysgol uwchradd.
Ac nid yn unig fod taith ddatganoli Cymru wedi'i hatal gan bartneriaid mewn grym honedig y Llywodraeth, gan wadu'r cyfle inni reoli ein tynged ein hunain ar faterion fel cyfiawnder ac Ystad y Goron, cafodd ei gwrthdroi'n weithredol mewn sawl maes, fel y nododd 11 Aelod Llafur yn gywir ddigon yn hwyr y llynedd. [Torri ar draws.] Rhowch ychydig eiliadau i mi, os gallwch, Gareth. Dyma gyflawniad y Blaid Lafur a fydd yn cael ei farnu yn etholiad mis Mai, ac mae'n llwm. Gareth Davies.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer took the Chair.
I thank the leader of Plaid Cymru for giving way. You very ably pointed out the failure of the Labour Party over 26 years, but given your complicity within that, in supporting Labour over the years, do you take any degree of responsibility for some of those, given that you were in Government with Labour between 2007 and 2011, three years of a co-operation agreement and bit-parts of support here, there and everywhere between 1999 and the present day?
Diolch i arweinydd Plaid Cymru am ildio. Fe dynnoch chi sylw'n fedrus iawn at fethiant y Blaid Lafur dros 26 mlynedd, ond o ystyried eich rhan yn hynny, drwy gefnogi Llafur dros y blynyddoedd, a ydych chi'n derbyn unrhyw gyfrifoldeb am rywfaint o hynny, o ystyried eich bod mewn Llywodraeth gyda Llafur rhwng 2007 a 2011, tair blynedd o'r cytundeb cydweithio a chefnogaeth i lawer o bethau rhwng 1999 a heddiw?
Of course, you refer to days when you were probably still at school. I'm very proud of having influenced Government to do things from opposition, and I look at the Conservative Party here and I see a party that has succeeded in doing precisely nothing in 26 years of devolution, and I'm confident they will still be able to offer precisely nothing after May's election.
Now, the Government's amendment—[Interruption.] I'll make some—[Interruption.] I'll make some progress, if I may. The Government's amendment is absent in both self-reflection and any sense of a change of direction. It speaks of having the most generous student support package in the UK, as if Scotland's free university tuition policy doesn't exist. It's a selective take on NHS performance, which takes no account of countless missed targets and failing health boards, and of a new era of investment, despite a spending review that will deliver the lowest real-terms growth in day-to-day spending for the Welsh budget outside the immediate austerity years, let alone the insulting settlement on rail that we had a few months ago.
We've not only endured years of mismanagement, but years of missed opportunity, too. [Interruption.] And who'd have thought—
Wrth gwrs, rydych chi'n cyfeirio at adeg pan oeddech chi'n dal yn yr ysgol, mae'n debyg. Rwy'n falch iawn o fod wedi dylanwadu fel gwrthblaid ar y Llywodraeth i wneud pethau, ac rwy'n edrych ar y Blaid Geidwadol yma a gwelaf blaid sydd wedi llwyddo i wneud dim byd o gwbl mewn 26 mlynedd o ddatganoli, ac rwy'n hyderus na fyddant yn gallu cynnig unrhyw beth o gwbl ar ôl etholiad mis Mai chwaith.
Nawr, mae gwelliant y Llywodraeth—[Torri ar draws.] Rwyf am wneud rhywfaint—[Torri ar draws.] Rwyf am wneud rhywfaint o gynnydd, os caf. Mae gwelliant y Llywodraeth yn brin o hunanystyriaeth ac unrhyw ymdeimlad o newid cyfeiriad. Mae'n sôn am fod â'r pecyn cymorth mwyaf hael i fyfyrwyr yn y DU, fel pe na bai polisi ffioedd prifysgol am ddim ar waith yn yr Alban. Mae'n safbwynt detholgar ar berfformiad y GIG, nad yw'n ystyried y targedau di-rif a fethwyd a byrddau iechyd diffygiol, ac ar oes newydd o fuddsoddi, er gwaethaf adolygiad o wariant a fydd yn cyflawni'r twf isaf mewn termau real mewn gwariant dydd i ddydd ar gyfer cyllideb Cymru y tu hwnt i flynyddoedd uniongyrchol y cyni ariannol, heb sôn am y setliad sarhaus ar y rheilffyrdd a gawsom ychydig fisoedd yn ôl.
Nid yn unig ein bod wedi dioddef blynyddoedd o gamreoli, ond blynyddoedd o gyfleoedd a gollwyd hefyd. [Torri ar draws.] A phwy fyddai wedi meddwl—
Rhun, two seconds, please. There's a lot of noise going on in the Chamber, and it's actually forcing the Member speaking to actually speak louder than he needs to speak. So, can we have some decorum within the Chamber, please? [Interruption.] Afterwards, all right. Afterwards, okay. So, can we all have some decorum so that we can hear what's being said, and the Members do not have to raise their voices unnecessarily?
Rhun, dwy eiliad, os gwelwch yn dda. Mae llawer o sŵn yn y Siambr, ac mae'n gorfodi'r Aelod sy'n siarad i siarad yn uwch nag sydd angen. Felly, a gawn ni rywfaint o barch yn y Siambr, os gwelwch yn dda? [Torri ar draws.] Wedyn, iawn. Wedyn, iawn. Felly, a gawn ni ddangos rhywfaint o barch fel y gallwn glywed yr hyn sy'n cael ei ddweud, ac fel nad oes angen i'r Aelodau godi eu lleisiau'n ddiangen?
I appreciate your support, Dirprwy Lywydd. We have not only endured years of mismanagement, but years of missed opportunity, too, and who would have thought that Labour winning that election on a UK level in 2024 would have made things worse?
Now, I'm an optimist by nature, and I believe we can win a new Wales, so we can really nurture hope of a better tomorrow—and, goodness me, do we need that hope. On the one hand, we have the divisive, grievance-fuelled and Putin-appeasing politics of Reform, propped up by more and more of their friends in the Conservative Party. It's a dumping ground, isn't it, for failed Tories, whose fingerprints are all over the disasters of Brexit and the Liz Truss mini-budget that tanked our economy, sent living standards tumbling, and turbocharged the cost-of-living crisis—the party that's more attuned to the interests of London and Washington—I could throw Moscow in there, too—than of Welsh communities.
And on the other hand, there is the choice of positive, progressive new leadership under whom making Wales the priority isn't just a matter of electoral convenience; it's literally our reason for being as a party—unstinting and unapologetic that we will never take a backward step when the interests of the people of Wales are in the balance. Now, as Labour's own election strategy summed it up so succinctly: Reform define the anger; Plaid Cymru define the hope. But we don't just define hope. We're ready—[Interruption.] Please, I'll make some progress. But we don't just define hope. We're ready to deliver it, as today's motion clearly demonstrates.
A Plaid Cymru Government will begin the transformation of our beleaguered NHS to get it back to its rightful place as a real pride of our nation. It's in our bold waiting list plan, delivering state-of-the-art elective care hubs across Wales, but it's also—more importantly, arguably—in our new approach to sustainable health and care, and our attitude on preventative healthcare. We will introduce the most generous childcare offer in the United Kingdom, worth more than £30,000 for every child. A new literacy and numeracy strategy will provide a firmer foundation for every child's learning. And we will incentivise new teachers who we know will motivate our pupils. We'll drive economic renewal by establishing a new development agency, domestically supporting our business community and supporting Wales’s global business brand. The status quo has failed, and Wales is falling further behind because of it. [Interruption.] James Evans.
Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi eich cefnogaeth, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Nid yn unig ein bod wedi dioddef blynyddoedd o gamreoli, ond blynyddoedd o gyfleoedd a gollwyd hefyd, a phwy fyddai wedi meddwl y byddai'r ffaith bod Llafur wedi ennill etholiad y DU yn 2024 wedi gwneud pethau'n waeth?
Nawr, rwy'n optimydd naturiol, a chredaf y gallwn ennill Cymru newydd, fel y gallwn feithrin gobaith am well yfory—a mawredd, mae angen y gobaith hwnnw arnom. Ar y naill law, mae gennym wleidyddiaeth ymrannol, rwgnachlyd Reform, sy'n ceisio plesio Putin ac sydd wedi'u cynnal gan fwy a mwy o'u ffrindiau yn y Blaid Geidwadol. Mae'n domen sbwriel, onid yw, i Dorïaid aflwyddiannus, y mae eu holion bysedd dros drychinebau Brexit a mini-gyllideb Liz Truss a ddinistriodd ein heconomi, a achosodd gwymp mewn safonau byw, ac a roddodd hwb enfawr i'r argyfwng costau byw—y blaid sy'n fwy ystyriol o fuddiannau Llundain a Washington—gallwn ychwanegu Moscow hefyd—na chymunedau Cymru.
Ac ar y llaw arall, mae'r dewis o arweinyddiaeth newydd gadarnhaol, flaengar lle nad mater o gyfleustra etholiadol yn unig yw gwneud Cymru'n flaenoriaeth; yn llythrennol, dyma ein rheswm dros fodoli fel plaid—rydym yn dweud yn ddi-flewyn-ar-dafod ac yn ddi-ymddiheuriad na fyddwn byth yn cymryd cam yn ôl pan fydd buddiannau pobl Cymru yn y fantol. Nawr, fel y crynhowyd mor dda yn strategaeth etholiadol Llafur: mae Reform yn diffinio'r dicter; mae Plaid Cymru’n diffinio'r gobaith. Ond nid diffinio gobaith yn unig a wnawn. Rydym yn barod—[Torri ar draws.] Os gwelwch yn dda, hoffwn wneud rhywfaint o gynnydd. Ond nid diffinio gobaith yn unig a wnawn. Rydym yn barod i'w gyflawni, fel y mae cynnig heddiw yn ei ddangos yn glir.
Bydd Llywodraeth Plaid Cymru yn dechrau trawsnewid ein GIG sydd dan bwysau, i'w adfer i'w le cywir fel rhywbeth y gall ein cenedl fod yn wirioneddol falch ohono. Mae hynny i'w weld yn ein cynllun beiddgar ar gyfer rhestrau aros, gan ddarparu canolfannau gofal a gynlluniwyd o'r radd flaenaf ledled Cymru, ond mae hefyd—yn bwysicach fyth, gellid dadlau—i'w weld yn ein dull newydd o ymdrin ag iechyd a gofal cynaliadwy, a'n hagwedd at ofal iechyd ataliol. Byddwn yn cyflwyno'r cynnig gofal plant mwyaf hael yn y Deyrnas Unedig, gwerth mwy na £30,000 ar gyfer pob plentyn. Bydd strategaeth llythrennedd a rhifedd newydd yn darparu sylfaen fwy cadarn ar gyfer dysgu pob plentyn. A byddwn yn rhoi cymelliadau i athrawon newydd y gwyddom y byddant yn ysgogi ein disgyblion. Byddwn yn hybu adnewyddiad economaidd drwy sefydlu awdurdod datblygu newydd, gan gefnogi ein cymuned fusnes yn ddomestig a chefnogi brand busnes byd-eang Cymru. Mae'r status quo wedi methu, ac mae Cymru'n cwympo ymhellach ar ei hôl hi oherwydd hynny. [Torri ar draws.] James Evans.
You were highlighting earlier about parties and where they accept their funding from. Do you accept and take some responsibility and apologise to the people that Plaid Cymru took money from Colonel Gaddafi?
Roeddech chi'n tynnu sylw yn gynharach at bleidiau ac o ble maent yn cael eu cyllid. A ydych chi'n derbyn ac yn cymryd rhywfaint o gyfrifoldeb ac yn ymddiheuro i'r bobl fod Plaid Cymru wedi derbyn arian gan y Cyrnol Gaddafi?
Everything we have endured are things that have held us back as a nation. And what matters most is what comes next. And in the argument and ideas I've set out today lies the hope of renewal and the rewards of a different outcome. Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd.
Mae popeth rydym wedi'i ddioddef yn bethau sydd wedi ein dal yn ôl fel cenedl. A'r hyn sydd bwysicaf yw'r hyn sy'n dod nesaf. Ac yn y ddadl a'r syniadau rwyf wedi'u cyflwyno heddiw, mae gobaith am yr adnewyddu a'r gwobrau a ddaw yn sgil canlyniad gwahanol. Diolch, Ddirprwy Llywydd.
Rwyf wedi dethol gwelliannau i'r cynnig. Os derbynnir gwelliant 1, caiff gwelliant 2 ei ddad-ddethol. Galwaf ar Darren Millar i gynnig gwelliant 1 yn enw Paul Davies.
I have selected the amendments to the motion. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. I call on Darren Miller to move amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies.
Gwelliant 1—Paul Davies
Dileu popeth a rhoi yn ei le:
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
1. Yn nodi etholiad y Senedd sydd i’w gynnal ar 7 Mai 2026.
2. Yn credu bod etholiad y Senedd yn rhoi cyfle i arwain Cymru o’r newydd.
3. Yn gresynu bod 26 mlynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur Cymru, gyda chefnogaeth Plaid Cymru a'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol, wedi arwain at:
a) un o bob pedwar o boblogaeth Cymru ar restr aros GIG;
b) y gyfradd ddiweithdra uchaf a'r cyflog isaf yn y Deyrnas Unedig;
c) canlyniadau PISA Cymru yn gostwng i'r lefel isaf erioed mewn mathemateg, darllen a gwyddoniaeth, yr isaf o holl wledydd y DU am y pumed tro yn olynol;
d) arian trethdalwyr yn cael ei wastraffu ar wariant nad yw'n ddatganoledig ac ehangu'r Senedd;
e) economi Cymru yn cael ei ddal yn ôl gyda'r cynnig ardrethi busnes lleiaf cystadleuol ym Mhrydain Fawr, y terfyn cyflymder 20mya diofyn, a chyfraddau treth trafodiadau tir sy'n mygu'r farchnad dai;
f) teuluoedd sy'n gweithio yn cael eu taro â'r costau gofal plant uchaf a'r cynnig gofal plant gwaethaf ym Mhrydain Fawr; a
g) y cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy sy'n peryglu colli swyddi a bywoliaethau.
4. Yn galw ar Lywodraeth Cymru i weithredu galwadau'r Ceidwadwyr Cymreig i:
a) datgan argyfwng iechyd yn y GIG yng Nghymru, dileu amseroedd aros gormodol mewn adrannau brys, ar gyfer ambiwlansys, profion a thriniaeth, cyflwyno gwarant aros meddygon teulu, a hyrwyddo dewis cleifion fel sbardun ar gyfer gwella gofal iechyd;
b) sicrhau bod economi Cymru yn symud drwy dorri'r gyfradd sylfaenol o dreth incwm, dileu ardrethi busnes i fusnesau bach, adfer y terfyn cyflymder diofyn i 30mya, buddsoddi mewn seilwaith ffyrdd, a dileu'r dreth trafodiadau tir ar gyfer prif gartrefi;
c) gwella deilliannau addysg yng Nghymru drwy adfer disgyblaeth a pharch mewn ysgolion yng Nghymru, bod yn llym ynghylch trais ac ymddygiad gwael, gwahardd ffonau symudol yn ystafelloedd dosbarth Cymru, grymuso athrawon, a galluogi sefydlu ysgolion academi;
d) rhoi'r gorau i wario arian trethdalwyr ar feysydd nad ydynt wedi'u datganoli, a gwrthdroi ehangu'r Senedd;
e) cefnogi teuluoedd sy'n gweithio trwy gael cynnig gofal plant cyfatebol i'r hyn sydd ar gael yn Lloegr; ac
f) dileu a disodli'r cynllun ffermio cynaliadwy gyda chynllun gwirioneddol gynaliadwy sy'n diogelu swyddi gwledig ac sydd â diogelwch bwyd wrth wraidd y cynllun.
Amendment 1—Paul Davies
Delete all and replace with:
To propose that the Senedd:
1. Notes the upcoming Senedd election on 7 May 2026.
2. Believes that the Senedd election provides an opportunity for new leadership for Wales.
3. Regrets that 26 years of a Labour Welsh Government, with the support of Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrats, has led to:
a) one in four of the Welsh population on an NHS waiting list;
b) the highest unemployment rate and the lowest take-home pay in the United Kingdom;
c) Wales’s PISA results falling to their lowest level ever in maths, reading and science: the lowest of all UK nations for the fifth consecutive time;
d) taxpayer money wasted on non-devolved spending and Senedd expansion;
e) the Welsh economy being held back with the least competitive business rates offer in Great Britain, the default 20mph speed limit, and land transaction tax rates that are stifling the housing market;
f) working families being hit with the highest childcare costs and the worst childcare offer in Great Britain; and
g) the sustainable farming scheme risking the loss of jobs and livelihoods.
4. Calls on the Welsh Government to implement Welsh Conservative calls to:
a) declare a health emergency in the Welsh NHS, eliminate excessive waiting times in emergency departments, for ambulances, tests, and treatment, introduce a GP wait guarantee, and promote patient choice as a driver of healthcare improvement;
b) get the Welsh economy moving by cutting the basic rate of income tax, eliminating business rates for small businesses, restoring the default speed limit to 30mph, investing in road infrastructure, and scrapping land transaction tax for main homes;
c) improve education outcomes in Wales by restoring discipline and respect in Welsh schools, cracking down on violence and poor behaviour, banning mobile phones in Welsh classrooms, empowering teachers, and enabling the establishment of academy schools;
d) stop spending taxpayer money on non-devolved areas, and reverse Senedd expansion;
e) support working families by matching the childcare offer available in England; and
f) scrap and replace the sustainable farming scheme with a truly sustainable scheme that protects rural jobs and has food security at its heart.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1.
Amendment 1 moved.
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. I move the amendment that has been tabled in the name of Paul Davies.
I have to say I was not impressed with the age discrimination that took place in this Chamber during the contribution of the leader of Plaid Cymru in this debate. Ageism is not acceptable. Age is a protected characteristic, and when you dismiss people's views because of their age, which is what the leader of Plaid Cymru did, that is not acceptable in this Chamber or in any Parliament or in any workplace in the United Kingdom. And I'd be grateful, Deputy Llywydd, for your view and ruling on this matter, given that the Equality Act 2010 says that you should not discriminate against people on the basis of their age. I can see them laughing and cackling, as they often do when contributions are made in this Chamber, but this is an important thing and I'd appreciate your ruling before I go any further.
Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n cynnig y gwelliant sydd wedi'i gyflwyno yn enw Paul Davies.
Rhaid imi ddweud nad oeddwn yn fodlon gyda'r gwahaniaethu ar sail oedran a welsom yn y Siambr yn ystod cyfraniad arweinydd Plaid Cymru yn y ddadl hon. Nid yw gwahaniaethu ar sail oedran yn dderbyniol. Mae oedran yn nodwedd warchodedig, a phan fyddwch yn diystyru barn pobl oherwydd eu hoedran, sef yr hyn a wnaeth arweinydd Plaid Cymru, nid yw hynny'n dderbyniol yn y Siambr hon nac mewn unrhyw Senedd nac mewn unrhyw weithle yn y Deyrnas Unedig. A buaswn yn ddiolchgar, Ddirprwy Lywydd, am eich barn a'ch dyfarniad ar y mater hwn, o ystyried bod Deddf Cydraddoldeb 2010 yn dweud na ddylech wahaniaethu yn erbyn pobl ar sail eu hoedran. Gallaf eu gweld yn chwerthin ac yn clegar, fel y maent yn aml yn ei wneud pan wneir cyfraniadau yn y Siambr hon, ond mae hyn yn bwysig, a buaswn yn gwerthfawrogi eich dyfarniad cyn imi fynd ymhellach.
Do you raise a point of order?
A ydych chi'n codi pwynt o drefn?
Yes.
Ydw.
We will look at the record and we will review what was said, and I'll come back to you.
Fe edrychwn ar y cofnod ac adolygu'r hyn a ddywedwyd, a dof yn ôl atoch.
Thank you very much indeed. Now, if I can turn to the rest of this debate, Plaid's motion clearly states, quite rightly, that the election that is coming up in May is an opportunity for real change, a change of direction. But we're never going to get that change of direction if Plaid do well in that election, are we? Because at the end of the day, you are equally responsible for the failures that we have seen in Wales in recent years.
The reality is you've backed the appalling legislation we've seen in this Senedd over the years. You've backed the dreadful budgets that we have seen in Wales over these years: the plans for more politicians, the plans for more bureaucrats, the extra foreign aid that we're giving away overseas, the overseas offices, the ridiculous reduction in the default speed limit from 30 mph to 20 mph, the more trees in Uganda, the spending on wasteful and unnecessary projects like the nation of sanctuary plan. [Interruption.] And that is why the people of Wales, when they are exposed to these truths—
Diolch yn fawr. Nawr, os caf droi at weddill y ddadl hon, mae cynnig Plaid Cymru yn datgan yn glir, yn gywir ddigon, fod yr etholiad sydd ar y ffordd ym mis Mai yn gyfle am newid gwirioneddol, newid cyfeiriad. Ond ni chawn y newid cyfeiriad hwnnw byth os bydd Plaid Cymru yn gwneud yn dda yn yr etholiad. Oherwydd yn y pen draw, rydych chi yr un mor gyfrifol am y methiannau a welsom yng Nghymru yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf.
Y gwir amdani yw eich bod wedi cefnogi'r ddeddfwriaeth erchyll a welsom yn y Senedd hon dros y blynyddoedd. Rydych wedi cefnogi'r cyllidebau ofnadwy a welsom yng Nghymru dros y blynyddoedd hyn: y cynlluniau ar gyfer mwy o wleidyddion, y cynlluniau ar gyfer mwy o fiwrocratiaid, y cymorth ychwanegol a roddwn dramor, y swyddfeydd tramor, y gostyngiad chwerthinllyd yn y terfyn cyflymder diofyn o 30 mya i 20 mya, mwy o goed yn Uganda, gwariant ar brosiectau gwastraffus a diangen fel cynllun y genedl noddfa. [Torri ar draws.] A dyna pam y bydd pobl Cymru, pan fyddant yn dod i wybod am y gwirioneddau hyn—
Darren.
Darren.
—when they are exposed to these truths, will wake up and smell the coffee.
—pan fyddant yn dod i wybod am y gwirioneddau hyn, byddant yn gweld y golau.
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Before you ask for an intervention, for the leader of Plaid Cymru, I did ask for decorum in the Chamber, so we could hear him without him having to raise his voice. I ask for the same decorum for the leader of the Conservative Party in the Chamber, so that I can hear him without him having to raise his voice.
Cyn ichi ofyn am ymyriad, ar ran arweinydd Plaid Cymru gofynnais am barch yn y Siambr, fel y gallem ei glywed heb iddo orfod codi ei lais. Gofynnaf am yr un parch i arweinydd y Blaid Geidwadol yn y Siambr, fel y gallaf ei glywed yntau heb iddo orfod codi ei lais.
Thank you very much indeed, Deputy Presiding Officer. I'll take an intervention in a few moments. I'll take an intervention in a few moments. I know that they're truths that they don't like the public to be able to hear, but when you look at the state of the Welsh economy and our health service and our education system, you've been equally responsible for the damage that has been done. That is why Wales is broken, and it needs to be fixed. You're a person, as a leader of a party, that does not even believe that there's any such thing as illegal immigration. It's absolutely ridiculous. And when people look at your plans, your so-called hope for the future, it is based on the fantasy that independence would be a good thing for Wales, divorcing ourselves from the rest of the United Kingdom, which would cost taxpayers in this country thousands and thousands of pounds, billions of pounds to our economy. It would jeopardise the pensions that are paid to our pensioners, potentially drawing a border, a slate curtain across the Welsh border with England, causing all sorts of problems for our economy. And the billions that it would cost would deliver the sort of shock tax rises—many of which you've touched on—enormous tax rises, in order to sustain the current levels of expenditure on our public services. It's just not a credible plan.
But the situation is that you are part of the pantomime horses that have been running Wales for years, right? I don't know which end you are of that pantomime horse, the front or the back, but it's the same stuff that comes out of each as far as we are concerned—the same sort of rubbish that comes out of each end, and that is something that you have to explain to the public. If you want to defend your record, if you want to defend those budgets, if you want to defend that waste, if you want to defend the performance of the economy, if you want to defend the performance of the education system and defend the performance of the NHS, then that is a matter for you. But as soon as people begin to wake up and understand that you don't represent change, you represent more of the same, we're not going to see any real difference in Wales.
Diolch yn fawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Fe wnaf dderbyn ymyriad mewn ychydig eiliadau. Fe wnaf dderbyn ymyriad mewn ychydig eiliadau. Gwn eu bod yn wirioneddau nad ydynt yn hoffi i'r cyhoedd allu eu clywed, ond pan edrychwch ar gyflwr economi Cymru a'n gwasanaeth iechyd a'n system addysg, rydych chi wedi bod yr un mor gyfrifol am y niwed a wnaed. Dyna pam y mae Cymru wedi torri, ac mae angen ei thrwsio. Rydych chi'n unigolyn, fel arweinydd plaid, nad yw hyd yn oed yn credu bod mewnfudo anghyfreithlon yn bodoli. Mae'n gwbl chwerthinllyd. A phan fydd pobl yn edrych ar eich cynlluniau, eich gobaith honedig ar gyfer y dyfodol, mae'n seiliedig ar y ffantasi y byddai annibyniaeth yn beth da i Gymru, gan ein gwahanu oddi wrth weddill y Deyrnas Unedig, a fyddai'n costio miloedd ar filoedd o bunnoedd i'n trethdalwyr yn y wlad hon, biliynau o bunnoedd i'n heconomi. Byddai'n peryglu'r pensiynau a delir i'n pensiynwyr, gyda'r posibilrwydd o godi ffin, llen lechi ar hyd y ffin rhwng Cymru â Lloegr, gan achosi pob math o broblemau i'n heconomi. A byddai'r biliynau y byddai'n ei gostio yn arwain at y math o godiadau treth syfrdanol—y mae llawer ohonynt wedi'u crybwyll gennych—codiadau treth enfawr, er mwyn cynnal y lefelau gwariant presennol ar ein gwasanaethau cyhoeddus. Nid yw'n gynllun credadwy o gwbl.
Ond y sefyllfa yw eich bod yn un o'r ceffylau pantomeim sydd wedi bod yn rhedeg Cymru ers blynyddoedd, onid ydych? Nid wyf yn gwybod pa ben o'r ceffyl pantomeim ydych chi, y blaen neu'r cefn, ond yr un peth sy'n dod allan o'r ddau yn ein barn ni—yr un math o sbwriel sy'n dod o bob pen, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y mae'n rhaid i chi ei egluro i'r cyhoedd. Os ydych chi eisiau amddiffyn eich cyflawniad, os ydych chi eisiau amddiffyn y cyllidebau hynny, os ydych chi eisiau amddiffyn y gwastraff, os ydych chi eisiau amddiffyn perfformiad yr economi, os ydych chi eisiau amddiffyn perfformiad y system addysg ac amddiffyn perfformiad y GIG, mater i chi yw hynny. Ond cyn gynted ag y bydd pobl yn dechrau deffro a deall nad ydych chi'n cynrychioli newid, eich bod chi'n cynrychioli mwy o'r un peth, ni welwn unrhyw wahaniaeth go iawn yng Nghymru.
That sounded like the point where you were going to take the intervention. I think it's very, very important that political leaders are consistent. So, in attacking specifically the nation of sanctuary issue, how can you pretend to be a champion of the far right as you did on the nation of sanctuary, in a black and white way, when your own website says that you have always taken pride in being a nation of sanctuary?
Roedd hwnnw'n swnio fel y pwynt lle roeddech chi'n mynd i dderbyn yr ymyriad. Credaf ei bod yn bwysig iawn fod arweinwyr gwleidyddol yn gyson. Felly, wrth ymosod yn benodol ar fater y genedl noddfa, sut y gallwch chi esgus bod yn hyrwyddwr yr asgell dde eithafol fel y gwnaethoch gyda'r genedl noddfa, mewn ffordd ddu a gwyn, pan fo'ch gwefan eich hun yn dweud eich bod bob amser wedi ymfalchïo mewn bod yn genedl noddfa?
You're actually misquoting. Can I just put the record straight? I'm a Conservative, right? I am not a far right person in any way, shape or form. I'm glad you take a great deal of interest in my website. Pay more attention to it, because you might learn something if you actually read a little bit further on. Wales has always been, as has the United Kingdom, a place where people have sought sanctuary. But we do not need to be wasting tens of millions of pounds on a nation of sanctuary plan when we are not responsible in Wales for immigration and we are not responsible for those matters. They are not devolved matters. I know you want responsibility for everything. [Interruption.] I won't take another intervention. We've heard enough claptrap from you. [Interruption.] Yes.
Rydych chi'n camddyfynnu. A gaf i gywiro'r cofnod? Rwy'n Geidwadwr, iawn? Nid wyf yn unigolyn asgell dde eithafol mewn unrhyw ffordd. Rwy'n falch eich bod yn dangos llawer o ddiddordeb yn fy ngwefan. Rhowch fwy o sylw iddi, oherwydd efallai y dysgwch chi rywbeth os darllenwch chi ychydig ymhellach. Mae Cymru bob amser wedi bod, fel y Deyrnas Unedig, yn fan lle mae pobl wedi ceisio lloches. Ond nid oes angen inni wastraffu degau o filiynau o bunnoedd ar gynllun cenedl noddfa pan nad ydym yn gyfrifol yng Nghymru am fewnfudo ac nad ydym yn gyfrifol am y materion hynny. Nid ydynt yn faterion datganoledig. Gwn eich bod eisiau cyfrifoldeb am bopeth. [Torri ar draws.] Nid wyf am dderbyn ymyriad arall. Rydym wedi clywed digon o nonsens gennych chi. [Torri ar draws.] Iawn.
Darren, despite the noise in the Chamber, you and I have always agreed on certain things. I was proud to visit Kyiv with you last year, and I was proud to see you standing up for the investment that's been made by this Government and by the United Kingdom Government of all colours in supporting the people of Ukraine. The money that you've just condemned has been spent on supporting the people of Ukraine.
Darren, er gwaethaf y sŵn yn y Siambr, rydych chi a fi bob amser wedi cytuno ar rai pethau. Roeddwn yn falch o ymweld â Kyiv gyda chi y llynedd, ac roeddwn yn falch o'ch gweld yn sefyll dros y buddsoddiad a wnaed gan y Llywodraeth hon a chan Lywodraethau'r Deyrnas Unedig o bob lliw i gefnogi pobl Wcráin. Mae'r arian rydych chi newydd ei gondemnio wedi'i wario ar gefnogi pobl Wcráin.
The UK Government is responsible for immigration matters in this country, and they should continue to be responsible for those immigration matters. And of course I support Ukraine and identify myself with those that support that nation against the illegal occupation of that country and the invasion that has taken place.
But let's get back to the situation that we're presented with. Plaid offer no positive change for Wales. They offer more of the same—the same pantomime horse that's been running Wales for the past 27 years: left, left, left, when what we really need is a proper change of direction, with some credible policies to fix the broken Wales that people experience day in, day out, and address the challenges that they have. And we certainly don't need the sort of discrimination that we've seen in this Chamber today with a leader like that.
Llywodraeth y DU sy'n gyfrifol am faterion mewnfudo yn y wlad hon, a dylent barhau i fod yn gyfrifol am y materion mewnfudo hynny. Ac wrth gwrs, rwy'n cefnogi Wcráin ac yn uniaethu â'r rhai sy'n cefnogi'r genedl honno yn erbyn meddiannaeth anghyfreithlon y wlad honno a'r goresgyniad sydd wedi digwydd.
Ond gadewch inni fynd yn ôl at y sefyllfa o'n blaenau. Nid yw Plaid Cymru yn cynnig unrhyw newid cadarnhaol i Gymru. Maent yn cynnig mwy o'r un peth—yr un ceffyl pantomeim sydd wedi bod yn rhedeg Cymru am y 27 mlynedd diwethaf: chwith, chwith, chwith, er mai'r hyn sydd ei angen arnom mewn gwirionedd yw newid cyfeiriad go iawn, gyda pholisïau credadwy i drwsio'r Gymru doredig y mae pobl yn ei phrofi o ddydd i ddydd, ac i fynd i'r afael â'r heriau sydd ganddynt. Ac yn sicr, nid oes angen y math o wahaniaethu a welsom yn y Siambr hon heddiw gan arweinydd yn y ffordd honno.
Galwaf ar y Dirprwy Brif Weinidog ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Newid Hinsawdd a Materion Gwledig i gynnig gwelliant 2 yn enw Jane Hutt.
I call on the Deputy First Minister and Cabinet Secretary for Climate Change and Rural Affairs to move amendment 2, tabled in the name of Jane Hutt.
Gwelliant 2—Jane Hutt
Dileu popeth ar ôl pwynt 1 a rhoi yn ei le:
2. Yn cydnabod bod polisïau Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru dros dymor y Senedd hon wedi arwain at:
a) 18,652 o gartrefi ychwanegol yn cael eu darparu i’w rhentu yn y sector cymdeithasol;
b) 46,000 o swyddi yn cael eu cefnogi;
c) bron i 60 miliwn o brydau ysgol am ddim yn cael eu gweini i blant oed cynradd a gwelliannau diweddar mewn cyrhaeddiad addysgol;
d) y cynnig cymorth mwyaf blaengar a hael i fyfyrwyr yn y DU, sy'n golygu nad yw incwm aelwydydd yn penderfynu i ba brifysgol y bydd myfyrwyr yn mynd;
e) amseroedd aros hir ar gyfer triniaeth a phrofion yn gostwng a'r GIG ar y trywydd iawn i ddarparu 20,000 o lawdriniaethau cataract ychwanegol eleni;
f) coedwig Genedlaethol yn cael ei phlannu a chamau yn cael eu cymryd i ddiogelu cymunedau rhag gwaddol mwyngloddio; a
g) mwy na £1 biliwn yn cael ei fuddsoddi i drawsnewid llinellau craidd y Cymoedd yn system metro fodern.
3. Yn credu bod Cymru yn barod ar gyfer cyfnod newydd o fuddsoddiad o dan Lafur, yn dilyn mwy na degawd o lymder Torïaidd.
Amendment 2—Jane Hutt
Delete all after point 1 and replace with:
2. Recognises the policies of the Welsh Labour Government over this Senedd term have led to:
a) 18,652 additional homes for rent in the social sector being delivered;
b) 46,000 jobs supported;
c) almost 60 million free school meals for primary school children being served and recent improvements in educational attainment;
d) the most progressive and generous student support offer in the UK, meaning household income does not decide where you go to university;
e) long waiting times for treatment and tests falling and the NHS being on course to provide an extra 20,000 cataract operations this year;
f) a National Forest being planted and action to safeguard communities from the legacy of coalmining being taken; and
g) more than £1 billion being invested to transform the core Valleys Lines into a modern metro system.
3. Believes that Wales is ready for a new era of investment under Labour following more than a decade of Tory austerity.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 2.
Amendment 2 moved.
Move formally.
Cynnig yn ffurfiol.
Wales, along with the rest of the UK, has always taken pride in being a nation of sanctuary for those who have fled conflict, persecution and violence.
'Annie, Zaina, Niloha and Almas from Kenya, Syria, Venezuela and Iraq respectively, shared their powerful stories with me and it makes me all the more determined to help those in similar situations.
'It is vital that we are able to offer people fleeing danger the refuge, the sanctuary, love and care that they need.'
That's a quote from Darren Miller, incidentally, and I support and agree with that quote.
A few weeks ago, I spoke with a constituent who has been waiting three years for a hip replacement. For over 1,000 days, her world has shrunk to the four walls of her living room. She told me she feels like her life has been put on permanent pause while she waits for a phone call that never comes. That's the human face of a record-breaking backlog. She isn't a pathway nor a statistic, she is one of the 800,000 people in Wales currently trapped in a system that has stalled. That is one in five of our population. These delays have become the hallmark of Labour's stewardship. They encapsulate 26 years of Government by inertia, leaving our nation in limbo.
Since the last election, Labour has spent £1.5 billion to clean up the backlog, only to see it grow by nearly 200,000 extra pathways. That's £375 million a year—enough to pay the starting salaries of 6,000 nurses—fritted away, making a bad situation worse. This isn't about individual shortcomings, it's a feature of Welsh Labour's DNA. On the benches opposite sit five former health Ministers who failed to get a grip on this crisis. The goalposts move, the personnel changes, but the record of failure remains consistent. For the NHS in Wales, it's now irrefutable—the Labour Party is the problem and a change in Government is the cure.
Plaid Cymru is ready to break the mould of sticking-plaster solutions. We'll establish elective care hubs to drive down backlogs and create centres of excellence. We'll introduce executive triage to lift the administrative burden from overstretched GPs and we'll use legislation to embed collaboration between health boards and end the postcode lottery of care. But these are just the first steps. A Plaid Cymru Government will look beyond the hospital gates to the real cause of ill health. We know that the greatest drivers of sickness in Wales aren't just biological, they're social. They're found in poor housing, in the damp on a child's bedroom wall and in the grinding stress of poverty. We'll mainstream an understanding of these determinants into every Government department. We'll also stop burying our heads in the sand about the demographic changes coming down the line. Age is our greatest determinant of health, yet we lack the dedicated infrastructure to meet it. We'll build the foundations for world-class specialisms in geriatric care and rural health, ensuring that growing older and living in a rural community doesn't mean being cut off from specialist support.
We're proposing a step change in preventative health. For too long, we've run an illness service that reacts only when things go wrong. We'll empower people to manage their own health—tackling the rising tides of obesity and diabetes before they reach the clinic door. This will be powered by a massive leap forward in digital enhancement. Patients expect their records to follow them. They expect systems that talk to each other. We'll deliver a seamless, digital NHS where information flows and innovation is embraced, not feared.
In May 2026, the people of Wales have a clear choice—more of the same managed decline under Labour or a bold, preventative and modern health service under Plaid Cymru. Please support the motion.
Mae Cymru, ynghyd â gweddill y DU, bob amser wedi ymfalchïo mewn bod yn genedl noddfa i'r rhai sydd wedi ffoi rhag gwrthdaro, erledigaeth a thrais.
'Fe wnaeth Annie, Zaina, Niloha ac Almas o Kenya, Syria, Venezuela ac Irac, yn y drefn honno, rannu eu straeon pwerus gyda mi, ac mae'n fy ngwneud yn fwy penderfynol fyth o helpu'r rhai mewn sefyllfaoedd tebyg.
'Mae'n hanfodol ein bod yn gallu cynnig y lloches, y noddfa, y cariad a'r gofal sydd eu hangen ar bobl sy'n ffoi rhag perygl.'
Dyna ddyfyniad gan Darren Miller, gyda llaw, ac rwy'n cefnogi ac yn cytuno â'r dyfyniad hwnnw.
Ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, siaradais ag etholwr sydd wedi bod yn aros am dair blynedd am lawdriniaeth i gael clun newydd. Ers dros 1,000 o ddiwrnodau, mae ei byd wedi crebachu i bedair wal ei hystafell fyw. Dywedodd wrthyf ei bod yn teimlo fel pe bai ei bywyd wedi'i oedi'n barhaol wrth iddi aros am alwad ffôn nad yw byth yn dod. Dyna wyneb dynol yr ôl-groniad mwyaf erioed hwn. Nid llwybr nac ystadegyn mohoni, mae'n un o'r 800,000 o bobl yng Nghymru sy'n sownd mewn system sydd wedi dod i stop ar hyn o bryd. Mae hynny'n un rhan o bump o'n poblogaeth. Mae'r oediadau hyn wedi dod yn nodwedd o gyfnod Llafur mewn grym. Maent yn crynhoi 26 mlynedd o Lywodraeth ddisymud, gan adael ein cenedl mewn limbo.
Ers yr etholiad diwethaf, mae Llafur wedi gwario £1.5 biliwn ar fynd i'r afael â'r ôl-groniad, dim ond i'w weld yn cynyddu gyda bron i 200,000 o lwybrau ychwanegol. Mae hynny'n £375 miliwn y flwyddyn—digon i dalu cyflogau cychwynnol 6,000 o nyrsys—wedi'i wastraffu, gan waethygu sefyllfa wael. Nid mater o ddiffygion unigol yw hyn, ond nodwedd o DNA Llafur Cymru. Ar y meinciau gyferbyn, mae pum cyn-Weinidog iechyd sydd wedi methu cael rheolaeth ar yr argyfwng hwn. Mae'r pyst gôl yn symud, mae'r unigolion yn newid, ond mae'r hanes o fethiant yn parhau. I'r GIG yng Nghymru, mae bellach yn ddiamheuol—y Blaid Lafur yw'r broblem, a newid yn y Llywodraeth yw'r feddyginiaeth.
Mae Plaid Cymru yn barod i dorri'r patrwm o atebion dros dro. Byddwn yn sefydlu canolfannau gofal a gynlluniwyd i leihau ôl-groniadau ac yn creu canolfannau rhagoriaeth. Byddwn yn cyflwyno brysbennu gweithredol i godi'r baich gweinyddol oddi ar feddygon teulu sydd o dan bwysau gormodol, a byddwn yn defnyddio deddfwriaeth i ymgorffori cydweithio rhwng byrddau iechyd a rhoi diwedd ar y loteri cod post mewn gofal. Ond dim ond y camau cyntaf yw'r rhain. Bydd Llywodraeth Plaid Cymru yn edrych y tu hwnt i gatiau'r ysbyty at achosion gwirioneddol afiechyd. Gwyddom nad yw prif achosion salwch yng Nghymru yn fiolegol yn unig, maent yn gymdeithasol. Fe'u ceir mewn tai gwael, yn y lleithder ar waliau ystafell wely plentyn ac yn straen ddi-ildio tlodi. Byddwn yn prif ffrydio dealltwriaeth o'r penderfynyddion hyn ym mhob un o adrannau'r Llywodraeth. Byddwn hefyd yn rhoi'r gorau i gladdu ein pennau yn y tywod mewn perthynas â'r newidiadau demograffig sydd i ddod. Oedran yw ein penderfynydd iechyd mwyaf, ond nid oes gennym y seilwaith pwrpasol i fynd i'r afael â hynny. Byddwn yn adeiladu'r sylfeini ar gyfer arbenigeddau o'r radd flaenaf mewn gofal i'r henoed ac iechyd gwledig, gan sicrhau nad yw mynd yn hŷn a byw mewn cymuned wledig yn golygu colli mynediad at gymorth arbenigol.
Rydym yn cynnig newid sylweddol mewn iechyd ataliol. Ers gormod o amser, rydym wedi rhedeg gwasanaeth salwch nad yw ond yn ymateb pan fo pethau'n mynd o chwith. Byddwn yn grymuso pobl i reoli eu hiechyd eu hunain—gan fynd i'r afael â'r cynnydd mewn gordewdra a diabetes cyn iddynt gyrraedd drws y clinig. Bydd hyn yn cael ei bweru gan naid enfawr ymlaen mewn technoleg ddigidol. Mae cleifion yn disgwyl i'w cofnodion eu dilyn. Maent yn disgwyl systemau sy'n siarad â'i gilydd. Byddwn yn darparu GIG digidol di-dor lle mae llif gwybodaeth ac arloesi'n cael eu croesawu, nid eu hofni.
Ym mis Mai 2026, mae gan bobl Cymru ddewis clir—mwy o'r un dirywiad wedi'i reoli o dan Lafur neu wasanaeth iechyd beiddgar, ataliol a modern o dan Blaid Cymru. Cefnogwch y cynnig.
I'm glad Plaid Cymru have put forward part of their economic policy. I await the second half, in which they show where additional money is to be raised and the areas of the cuts to pay for the additional expenditure.
Plaid Cymru often ignore that Wales is financially a net beneficiary of the union. We know that because David Phillips of the Institute for Fiscal Studies has estimated that Wales is a net beneficiary of the union by between £12 billion and £15 billion. If Wales keeps its revenues, funds its own public spending and then makes a population-based contribution to the UK-wide situation, at least, as it stands, that will lead to a large fiscal deficit for Wales. Also according to David Phillips of the IFS, the most recent estimate from the Office for National Statistics suggests that public expenditure in Wales is about 10 per cent higher than it is across the UK as a whole—this is despite raising substantially less money per person. Estimates have been produced showing Wales raises approximately 75 per cent per head of the United Kingdom's average tax revenues. I'm in favour of devolving the Crown Estate, but it would produce no extra money for the Welsh Government.
The Welsh Government agreed a fiscal framework with the UK Government that sets out the Welsh Government's funding arrangements to support its devolved fiscal powers. This includes a block grant adjustment model for determining how the Welsh block grant is adjusted to take into account the devolution of Welsh taxes. This, despite Plaid Cymru's frequent assertions to the contrary, means that the next financial benefit of withdrawing any tax to Wales is removed from the block grant, meaning that Wales does not get any extra money. When income tax was partially devolved or when stamp duty was fully devolved, the block grant was adjusted accordingly.
I do not believe there is a Senedd Member who does not want a sustainable NHS, ensuring patients are not left waiting years in pain for treatment. The question is, how do we improve the health of people in Wales? We've got a serious overweight and obesity problem, and people who are overweight and obese compared to those of a healthy weight are at an increased risk of many serious diseases and health conditions: high blood pressure, heart disease, stroke, type 2 diabetes, many types of cancer and osteoarthritis. We need a weight-loss plan and a willingness to provide weight-loss tablets. There's also strong scientific evidence that being physically active can help you lead a healthier and happier life. Exercise can reduce your risk of major illnesses such as coronary heart disease, stroke, type 2 diabetes and cancer, and lowers the risk of early death by 30 per cent. The challenge is to improve the health of people in Wales. We need to support social prescribing that allows healthcare professionals to refer patients to community activities.
On devolution, asymmetric devolution has not worked. In the UK, we've seen different devolution settlements for Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, as well as different responsibilities devolved to London and some of the largest cities and regions. Whilst everything does not need to be devolved to Wales, Scotland and Ireland or the English mayors at the same time, what we should have is a list of items that are available to be devolved, with each Parliament and mayoral area needing at least two thirds of the Members voting in favour before the area is devolved. That is what happened in Northern Ireland when policing was devolved. We have what is meant to be a reserved-powers model in Wales following the most recent settlement, but a host of reservations in supposed devolved areas makes a mockery of such definitions.
In the United States of America, Rhode Island and Montana have the same responsibilities as California and New York. We need to have an end point where powers are devolved to Wales, but also a devolution plan in Wales where powers are passed on to councils and the regions of Wales. The question is—to Plaid Cymru—what do you not want devolved? I think the answer coming back is 'nothing'. They want everything devolved. It's called separatism.
We need a national development plan—[Interruption.] We need a national development plan that works with universities and the Welsh Government and local councils working together. I regularly raise the importance of life sciences and ICT, especially artificial intelligence, as potential growth areas in Wales in the Chamber, in writing in local papers, in writing in Nation.Cymru. We need university research leading the growth of local companies. CyDen and Veeqo in Swansea are two examples. We have tried large inward investment. Remember LG and Bosch? In Swansea, we have the former Ford site, the former 3M site, the former Valeo site, the former Siliconix site. I could complete this, but that'll take me longer than I'm going to be allowed. This is replicated across Wales. Admiral is the example of a company starting and growing in Wales.
Can I just say I look forward to having a debate on Welsh independence and to debating the alternative budget with Plaid Cymru? Tell us what you would spend. Tell us how you would run an independent Wales. I'm sure you don't want to, because that would frighten some people who are currently considering voting for you. [Interruption.] Tell us. Tell us how you would do it. As somebody said, 'Have a referendum'. If you put down a motion to have a referendum now on independence, I will support it, and a majority of people in this room would support it. Are you willing to do it or are you too afraid?
Rwy'n falch fod Plaid Cymru wedi cyflwyno rhan o'u polisi economaidd. Rwy'n aros am yr ail hanner, lle maent yn dangos ble fydd yr arian ychwanegol yn cael ei godi a'r meysydd a fydd yn cael eu torri i dalu am y gwariant ychwanegol.
Yn aml, mae Plaid Cymru yn anwybyddu'r ffaith bod Cymru’n fuddiolwr net o'r undeb o safbwynt ariannol. Gwyddom hynny gan fod David Phillips o'r Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid wedi amcangyfrif bod Cymru’n cael rhwng £12 biliwn a £15 biliwn o elw net o'r undeb. Os yw Cymru'n cadw ei refeniw, yn ariannu ei gwariant cyhoeddus ei hun ac yna'n gwneud cyfraniad yn seiliedig ar y boblogaeth at y sefyllfa ledled y DU, o leiaf, fel y saif pethau, bydd hynny'n arwain at ddiffyg cyllidol mawr i Gymru. Hefyd yn ôl David Phillips o'r Sefydliad Astudiaethau Cyllid, mae'r amcangyfrif diweddaraf gan y Swyddfa Ystadegau Gwladol yn awgrymu bod gwariant cyhoeddus yng Nghymru oddeutu 10 y cant yn uwch na'r hyn ydyw ar draws y DU gyfan—a hyn er ein bod yn codi llawer llai o arian y pen. Cynhyrchwyd amcangyfrifon sy'n dangos bod Cymru'n codi oddeutu 75 y cant y pen o refeniw treth cyfartalog y Deyrnas Unedig. Rwyf o blaid datganoli Ystad y Goron, ond ni fyddai'n cynhyrchu unrhyw arian ychwanegol i Lywodraeth Cymru.
Cytunodd Llywodraeth Cymru ar fframwaith cyllidol gyda Llywodraeth y DU sy'n nodi trefniadau ariannu Llywodraeth Cymru i gefnogi ei phwerau cyllidol datganoledig. Mae hyn yn cynnwys model addasu grant bloc ar gyfer pennu sut y mae grant bloc Cymru’n cael ei addasu i ystyried datganoli trethi Cymru. Mae hyn, er gwaethaf honiadau mynych Plaid Cymru i'r gwrthwyneb, yn golygu bod y budd ariannol nesaf o ddatganoli unrhyw dreth i Gymru’n cael ei dynnu o'r grant bloc, sy'n golygu nad yw Cymru'n cael unrhyw arian ychwanegol. Pan gafodd treth incwm ei datganoli'n rhannol neu pan gafodd y dreth stamp ei datganoli'n llawn, addaswyd y grant bloc yn unol â hynny.
Ni chredaf fod yna unrhyw Aelod o'r Senedd nad yw eisiau GIG cynaliadwy, sy'n sicrhau nad yw cleifion yn cael eu gadael i aros blynyddoedd mewn poen am driniaeth. Y cwestiwn yw, sut rydym yn gwella iechyd pobl yng Nghymru? Mae gennym broblem ddifrifol o ran gorbwysau a gordewdra, ac mae pobl sydd dros bwysau ac yn ordew o gymharu â'r rhai sydd â phwysau iach mewn perygl llawer mwy o afiechydon a chyflyrau iechyd difrifol: pwysedd gwaed uchel, clefyd y galon, strôc, diabetes math 2, sawl math o ganser ac osteoarthritis. Mae angen cynllun colli pwysau arnom a pharodrwydd i ddarparu tabledi colli pwysau. Mae tystiolaeth wyddonol gref hefyd y gall bod yn gorfforol egnïol eich helpu i fyw bywyd iachach a hapusach. Gall ymarfer corff leihau eich risg o afiechydon mawr fel clefyd coronaidd y galon, strôc, diabetes math 2 a chanser, a lleihau'r risg o farwolaeth gynnar 30 y cant. Yr her yw gwella iechyd pobl yng Nghymru. Mae angen inni gefnogi presgripsiynu cymdeithasol sy'n caniatáu i weithwyr gofal iechyd proffesiynol atgyfeirio cleifion at weithgareddau cymunedol.
O ran datganoli, nid yw datganoli anghymesur wedi gweithio. Yn y DU, rydym wedi gweld setliadau datganoli gwahanol ar gyfer Cymru, yr Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon, yn ogystal â gwahanol gyfrifoldebau wedi'u datganoli i Lundain a rhai o'r dinasoedd a'r rhanbarthau mwyaf. Er nad oes angen datganoli popeth i Gymru, yr Alban ac Iwerddon a meiri Lloegr ar yr un pryd, yr hyn y dylem ei gael yw rhestr o eitemau sydd ar gael i'w datganoli, gyda phob Senedd a phob ardal faerol angen o leiaf dwy ran o dair o'r Aelodau'n pleidleisio o blaid cyn i'r maes gael ei ddatganoli. Dyna a ddigwyddodd yng Ngogledd Iwerddon pan ddatganolwyd plismona. Mae gennym yr hyn sydd i fod yn fodel cadw pwerau yng Nghymru yn dilyn y setliad diweddaraf, ond mae llu o faterion a gedwir yn ôl mewn meysydd sydd i fod wedi'u datganoli yn tanseilio diffiniadau o'r fath.
Yn yr Unol Daleithiau, mae gan Rhode Island a Montana yr un cyfrifoldebau â California ac Efrog Newydd. Mae angen inni gael pwynt terfynol lle mae pwerau'n cael eu datganoli i Gymru, ond hefyd cynllun datganoli yng Nghymru lle mae pwerau'n cael eu trosglwyddo i gynghorau a rhanbarthau Cymru. Y cwestiwn yw—i Blaid Cymru—beth nad ydych chi eisiau ei ddatganoli? Credaf mai'r ateb yw 'dim byd'. Maent eisiau i bopeth fod wedi'i ddatganoli. Fe'i gelwir yn ymwahaniaeth.
Mae angen cynllun datblygu cenedlaethol arnom—[Torri ar draws.] Mae angen cynllun datblygu cenedlaethol arnom sy'n gweithio, gyda phrifysgolion a Llywodraeth Cymru a chynghorau lleol yn cydweithio. Rwy'n codi pwysigrwydd gwyddorau bywyd a TGCh, yn enwedig deallusrwydd artiffisial, fel meysydd twf posib yng Nghymru, yn rheolaidd yn y Siambr, wrth ysgrifennu mewn papurau lleol, wrth ysgrifennu yn Nation.Cymru. Mae angen ymchwil prifysgol arnom sy'n arwain twf cwmnïau lleol. Mae CyDen a Veeqo yn Abertawe yn ddwy enghraifft. Rydym wedi rhoi cynnig ar fewnfuddsoddiad mawr. A ydych chi'n cofio LG a Bosch? Yn Abertawe, mae gennym hen safle Ford, hen safle 3M, hen safle Valeo, hen safle Siliconix. Gallwn gwblhau'r rhestr, ond bydd hynny'n cymryd mwy o amser i mi nag sydd gennyf. Mae hyn yn cael ei ailadrodd ledled Cymru. Admiral yw'r enghraifft orau o gwmni sy'n dechrau ac yn tyfu yng Nghymru.
A gaf i ddweud fy mod yn edrych ymlaen at gael dadl ar annibyniaeth i Gymru ac at drafod y gyllideb amgen gyda Phlaid Cymru? Dywedwch wrthym faint y byddech yn ei wario. Dywedwch wrthym sut y byddech yn rhedeg Cymru annibynnol. Rwy'n siŵr nad ydych chi eisiau gwneud hynny, gan y byddai'n dychryn rhai pobl sy'n ystyried pleidleisio drosoch ar hyn o bryd. [Torri ar draws.] Dywedwch wrthym. Dywedwch wrthym sut y byddech yn gwneud hynny. Fel y dywedodd rhywun, 'Cawn refferendwm'. Pe byddech chi'n cyflwyno cynnig i gael refferendwm nawr ar annibyniaeth, buaswn yn ei gefnogi, a byddai'r rhan fwyaf o bobl yn yr ystafell hon yn ei gefnogi. A ydych chi'n fodlon gwneud hynny, neu a oes gormod o ofn arnoch?
On 7 May this year, the people of Wales will go to the polls in what will be the most consequential Senedd election since devolution began. It will not simply be a choice between parties, but a choice about the future direction of our country, our economy and our place within the United Kingdom. This motion claims the election offers new leadership for Wales. On that, at least, I agree. After 26 years, Wales desperately needs a change. But let's be absolutely clear: replacing Labour failure with Plaid Cymru ideology is not renewal, it's regression, as they are Labour but worse.
Recent polling shows a real prospect of a hard left Plaid Cymru-Green coalition. That should concern every working family, every pensioner, every business owner and every farmer in every part of Wales, because such a coalition would not focus on fixing what is broken, it would push Wales down a dangerous constitutional and economic path towards independence. Because Plaid Cymru's central project is independence—not better hospitals, not higher wages, not safer communities, independence. And they would fund that ideology obsession by taxing Welsh people more, borrowing more and tying Wales ever tighter to Cardiff Bay bureaucracy while all the same ripping us out of the United Kingdom, our biggest trading partner and our strongest economic safety net. [Interruption.] I will, Gareth, yes.
Ar 7 Mai eleni, bydd pobl Cymru'n mynd i'r blwch pleidleisio yn yr etholiad mwyaf arwyddocaol i'r Senedd ers dechrau datganoli. Nid dewis rhwng pleidiau'n unig fydd hynny, ond dewis ynghylch cyfeiriad ein gwlad, ein heconomi a'n lle yn y Deyrnas Unedig yn y dyfodol. Mae'r cynnig hwn yn honni bod yr etholiad yn cynnig arweinyddiaeth newydd i Gymru. Ar hynny, o leiaf, rwy'n cytuno. Ar ôl 26 mlynedd, mae angen newid mawr ar Gymru. Ond gadewch inni fod yn hollol glir: nid adnewyddiad yw cael ideoleg Plaid Cymru i gymryd lle methiant Llafur, ond cam yn ôl, gan mai Llafur ydynt hwythau, ond gwaeth na hynny hefyd.
Mae arolygon barn diweddar yn dangos posibilrwydd gwirioneddol o glymblaid adain chwith galed rhwng Plaid Cymru a'r Gwyrddion. Dylai hynny beri pryder i bob teulu sy'n gweithio, pob pensiynwr, pob perchennog busnes a phob ffermwr ym mhob rhan o Gymru, oherwydd ni fyddai clymblaid o'r fath yn canolbwyntio ar drwsio'r hyn sydd wedi torri, byddai'n gwthio Cymru ar hyd llwybr cyfansoddiadol ac economaidd peryglus tuag at annibyniaeth. Oherwydd prosiect canolog Plaid Cymru yw annibyniaeth—nid ysbytai gwell, nid cyflogau uwch, nid cymunedau mwy diogel, ond annibyniaeth. A byddent yn ariannu'r obsesiwn ideolegol hwnnw trwy drethu mwy ar y Cymry, trwy fenthyca mwy a chlymu Cymru'n dynnach fyth wrth fiwrocratiaeth Bae Caerdydd gan ein rhwygo oddi wrth y Deyrnas Unedig, ein partner masnachu mwyaf a'n rhwyd ddiogelwch economaidd gryfaf. [Torri ar draws.] Fe wnaf, Gareth, iawn.
Thank you very much for taking the intervention. Something I raised previously, because, in my constituency, I represent west Rhyl, and some Plaid Cymru politicians are very happy to march through the poorest ward in the whole of Wales with Yes Cymru to make that point—would you agree with me that it would be those communities that are in poverty who would feel the negative economic consequences of independence more than anybody else?
Diolch yn fawr am dderbyn yr ymyriad. Rhywbeth a godais o'r blaen, oherwydd, yn fy etholaeth i, rwy'n cynrychioli gorllewin y Rhyl, ac mae rhai gwleidyddion Plaid Cymru yn hapus iawn i orymdeithio drwy'r ward dlotaf yng Nghymru gyfan gyda Yes Cymru i wneud y pwynt hwnnw—a fyddech chi'n cytuno â mi mai'r cymunedau hynny sy'n byw mewn tlodi a fyddai'n teimlo canlyniadau economaidd negyddol annibyniaeth yn fwy na neb arall?
Yes, I would, Gareth, because we all know the economic facts. Independence would make Wales poorer, and that's what they would do to our country. So, let's look at the record of this Government. One in four people in Wales are on an NHS waiting list. Over 8,700 pathways are waiting more than two years for treatment. That's not compassionate governance—it's institutional failure. Wales has the second lowest disposable income per head in the UK. Our young people are leaving, our businesses are struggling, our productivity lags behind, and yet Plaid Cymru's answer is, 'Yes, let's push an independence agenda that would make us poorer.'
On education, Wales's literacy and numeracy scores are the lowest they have ever been since the Programme for International Student Assessment began. Five times running we're bottom of the UK league tables, and yet instead of focusing on relentless standards, discipline and outcomes for pupils, what do we offer today? Vague strategies and central plans that will never, ever reach the classrooms.
And the same applies to child care. Welsh families face some of the highest costs for childcare provision in Great Britain. Parents want to go back to work. They want flexibility, they want practical support, not grand schemes that sound good but deliver nothing to those people.
And then there's the constitutional point, isn't there? Plaid Cymru call for a new Wales Bill to unlock Wales's potential. But let me say this plainly: Wales does not lack powers; it lacks competence. Scotland has more powers and still runs deficits—failing ferries, collapsing public services. More devolution without reform will not fix Wales's problems.
And Deputy Presiding Officer, the truth is this. Wales is poorer not because we're part of the United Kingdom. It's because we have been poorly governed for 26 years. Labour have failed Wales, and Plaid Cymru have enabled that failure to continue. And now they want more of the same, wrapped up in the language of national destiny, of hope. They're not selling hope. They're selling false promises to the people of Wales.
That is why those of us who believe in our United Kingdom must recognise what is at stake. We may not agree on everything, but we should agree on this: that Wales's future is stronger, safer and more prosperous within the United Kingdom. And I believe that future is worth defending, and together we can defend it.
This election must be about the things that matter to the people across Wales—fixing our NHS, raising wages, restoring standards in education, supporting families, building an economy that rewards work and not sitting at home. If we leave it to chance, what would we have? A hard left Plaid Cymru Government, which would lead to higher taxes, weaker services, and more time spent arguing about independence, not improving the lives of the people of Wales. [Interruption.] I will take an intervention.
Buaswn, Gareth, oherwydd rydym i gyd yn gwybod y ffeithiau economaidd. Byddai annibyniaeth yn gwneud Cymru'n dlotach, a dyna beth y byddent yn ei wneud i'n gwlad. Felly, gadewch inni edrych ar gyflawniad y Llywodraeth hon. Mae un o bob pedwar o bobl Cymru ar restr aros y GIG. Mae dros 8,700 o lwybrau'n aros dros ddwy flynedd am driniaeth. Nid llywodraethu tosturiol yw hynny, ond methiant sefydliadol. Cymru sydd â'r incwm gwario y pen isaf ond un yn y DU. Mae ein pobl ifanc yn gadael, mae ein busnesau'n ei chael hi'n anodd, mae ein cynhyrchiant yn llusgo ar ôl, ac eto ateb Plaid Cymru yw, 'Ie, gadewch inni wthio agenda annibyniaeth a fyddai'n ein gwneud ni'n dlotach.'
Ar addysg, sgoriau llythrennedd a rhifedd Cymru yw'r isaf erioed ers dechrau'r Rhaglen Ryngwladol Asesu Myfyrwyr. Bum gwaith yn olynol rydym ar waelod tablau cynghrair y DU, ac eto yn hytrach na chanolbwyntio ar safonau, disgyblaeth a chanlyniadau cadarn i ddisgyblion, beth ydym yn ei gynnig heddiw? Strategaethau amwys a chynlluniau canolog na fydd byth bythoedd yn cyrraedd yr ystafelloedd dosbarth.
Ac mae'r un peth yn berthnasol i ofal plant. Teuluoedd Cymru sy'n wynebu rhai o'r costau uchaf am ddarpariaeth gofal plant ym Mhrydain. Mae rhieni eisiau mynd yn ôl i'r gwaith. Maent eisiau hyblygrwydd, maent eisiau cefnogaeth ymarferol, nid cynlluniau mawreddog sy'n swnio'n dda ond nad ydynt yn darparu unrhyw beth i'r bobl hynny.
A'r pwynt cyfansoddiadol wedyn. Mae Plaid Cymru yn galw am Fil Cymru newydd i ddatgloi potensial Cymru. Ond gadewch imi ddweud hyn yn glir: nid yw Cymru'n brin o bwerau; mae'n brin o gymhwysedd. Mae gan yr Alban fwy o bwerau ac mae'n dal i gynnal diffygion—fferïau sy'n methu, gwasanaethau cyhoeddus sy'n chwalu. Ni fydd rhagor o ddatganoli heb ddiwygio'n datrys problemau Cymru.
A Ddirprwy Lywydd, y gwir amdani yw hyn. Mae Cymru'n dlotach nid oherwydd ein bod ni'n rhan o'r Deyrnas Unedig ond oherwydd ein bod wedi cael ein llywodraethu'n wael ers 26 mlynedd. Mae Llafur wedi gwneud cam â Chymru, ac mae Plaid Cymru wedi ei gwneud hi'n bosib i'r methiant hwnnw barhau. A nawr maent eisiau rhagor o'r un peth, wedi'i lapio yn iaith tynged y genedl, gobaith. Nid ydynt yn gwerthu gobaith. Maent yn gwerthu addewidion ffug i bobl Cymru.
Dyna pam y mae'n rhaid i'r rhai ohonom sy'n credu yn y Deyrnas Unedig gydnabod beth sydd yn y fantol. Efallai na fyddwn yn cytuno ar bopeth, ond dylem gytuno ar hyn: fod dyfodol Cymru'n gryfach, yn fwy diogel ac yn fwy ffyniannus o fewn y Deyrnas Unedig. Ac rwy'n credu bod y dyfodol hwnnw'n werth ei amddiffyn, a chyda'n gilydd fe allwn ei amddiffyn.
Rhaid i'r etholiad hwn ymwneud â'r pethau sy'n bwysig i'r bobl ledled Cymru—trwsio ein GIG, codi cyflogau, adfer safonau mewn addysg, cefnogi teuluoedd, adeiladu economi sy'n gwobrwyo gwaith ac nid eistedd gartref. Os ydym yn ei adael i ffawd, beth fyddai gennym? Llywodraeth Plaid Cymru adain chwith galed, a fyddai'n arwain at drethi uwch, gwasanaethau gwannach, a mwy o amser wedi'i dreulio'n dadlau am annibyniaeth, nid gwella bywydau pobl Cymru. [Torri ar draws.] Fe wnaf dderbyn ymyriad.
Thank you for taking an intervention. I appreciate that. We can agree to disagree on the constitutional stuff, but do you not accept a modicum of responsibility for the state of Wales today, given that your party governed on a UK level for 14 years?
Diolch am dderbyn ymyriad. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi. Gallwn gytuno i anghytuno ar y pethau cyfansoddiadol, ond onid ydych chi'n derbyn ychydig o gyfrifoldeb am gyflwr Cymru heddiw, o ystyried bod eich plaid wedi llywodraethu ar lefel y DU am 14 mlynedd?
I will take no lessons on responsibility from Plaid Cymru, which has aided and abetted keeping Welsh Labour in power for 26 years. You've been in Government. You've been in co-operation agreements. You've sat on your hands and passed budgets that have destroyed Wales. You should apologise to the people of Wales and not sell them false hope, because Wales deserves better. It deserves leadership that is focused, responsible—
Nid wyf am dderbyn unrhyw wersi ar gyfrifoldeb gan Blaid Cymru, sydd wedi cynorthwyo i gadw Llafur Cymru mewn grym ers 26 mlynedd. Rydych chi wedi bod mewn Llywodraeth. Rydych chi wedi bod mewn cytundebau cydweithio. Rydych chi wedi eistedd ar eich dwylo ac wedi pasio cyllidebau sydd wedi dinistrio Cymru. Dylech ymddiheuro i bobl Cymru a pheidio â gwerthu gobaith ffug iddynt, oherwydd mae Cymru'n haeddu gwell. Mae'n haeddu arweinyddiaeth gyfrifol ag iddi ffocws—
Conclude now please, James.
Dewch i ben nawr os gwelwch yn dda, James.
—and keeps serious Government at its heart. And we need leadership that puts working people first and keeps Wales strong within the United Kingdom. I believe in the United Kingdom. I believe in Wales. And we're better together.
—ac sy'n cadw Llywodraeth ddifrifol wrth ei gwraidd. Ac mae angen arweinyddiaeth sy'n rhoi pobl sy'n gweithio yn gyntaf ac yn cadw Cymru'n gryf o fewn y Deyrnas Unedig. Rwy'n credu yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Rwy'n credu yng Nghymru. Ac rydym yn well gyda'n gilydd.
Of course, this debate is about what the next Welsh Government could achieve and do for the people of Wales. And I always have a good chuckle to myself when I hear people saying that Plaid Cymru are obsessed with independence, because the only people who have been obsessed with independence in this debate, quite frankly, are the Conservatives and Labour. They're talking about independence and Plaid's support of independence as if it's a massive secret. We've never, ever kept that a secret. The people of Wales know that already.
And, Mike, you talk about the damage, the economic damage, that independence would do to Wales, but I think it's actually worth reminding ourselves about the current economic situation that we find ourselves in in Wales. We have here in Wales one in three children living in poverty. We have the highest proportion of young people not in work, education or training of any UK nation or region. Productivity, wealth and incomes remain low, while economic inactivity remains high. Now, that doesn't look like an appealing picture to me. That doesn't look like an economy that is thriving, that is fair for the people of Wales, so forgive me if I'm actually looking at other alternatives that might provide us an opportunity to improve the lives of people in Wales. So, I make no apology for that, and I'll give way to Mike Hedges.
Wrth gwrs, mae'r ddadl hon yn ymwneud â'r hyn y gallai Llywodraeth nesaf Cymru ei gyflawni a'i wneud ar gyfer pobl Cymru. Ac rwy'n chwerthin wrthyf fy hun bob amser pan glywaf bobl yn dweud bod gan Blaid Cymru obsesiwn ag annibyniaeth, oherwydd yr unig bobl sydd wedi bod ag obsesiwn ag annibyniaeth yn y ddadl hon, yn hollol onest, yw'r Ceidwadwyr a Llafur. Maent yn sôn am annibyniaeth a chefnogaeth Plaid Cymru i annibyniaeth fel pe bai'n gyfrinach enfawr. Nid ydym erioed wedi cadw hynny'n gyfrinach. Mae pobl Cymru yn gwybod hynny eisoes.
A Mike, rydych chi'n sôn am y niwed, y niwed economaidd, y byddai annibyniaeth yn ei wneud i Gymru, ond rwy'n credu ei bod yn werth atgoffa ein hunain am y sefyllfa economaidd bresennol yr ydym ynddi yng Nghymru. Yma yng Nghymru mae gennym un o bob tri o blant yn byw mewn tlodi. Mae gennym y gyfran uchaf o bobl ifanc nad ydynt mewn gwaith, addysg na hyfforddiant o gymharu ag unrhyw genedl neu ranbarth arall yn y DU. Mae cynhyrchiant, cyfoeth ac incwm yn parhau i fod yn isel, tra bod anweithgarwch economaidd yn parhau i fod yn uchel. Nawr, nid yw hynny i'w weld yn ddarlun apelgar i mi. Nid yw'n edrych fel economi sy'n ffynnu, sy'n deg i bobl Cymru, felly maddeuwch i mi os edrychaf ar ddewisiadau amgen eraill a allai roi cyfle inni wella bywydau pobl yng Nghymru. Felly, nid wyf yn ymddiheuro am hynny, ac fe ildiaf i Mike Hedges.
Why do you think Wales will do better with £12 billion to £15 billion less?
Pam y credwch y bydd Cymru'n gwneud yn well gyda £12 biliwn i £15 biliwn yn llai?
I've always found it really interesting, Mike, listening to your contributions and this fervent defence of a system right now that has kept people in Wales in poverty for the best part not of the 26 years that we've had devolution in Wales, but the best part of a century, if we're going to be quite frank. In the best part of a century we've seen wealth and profit filtered out of Wales into places in London, not for the benefit of the people of Wales, but for the benefit of the people sitting in London. So, fair play to you, Mike. Fair play to you. It's a contribution a number of times full of contradictions, if I do say so myself.
But, look, I think actually every single one of us in here can agree on one thing: we do need to see a reset of the Government's direction on the economy. And I'm actually quite proud to say that we've gone some way to doing that with the publication of our economy strategy. Now, in that strategy, we set out our intention, among other things, to establish a new development agency for Wales, as this motion sets out—now, not a carbon copy of the previous, because there was a lot wrong with the previous iteration of the Welsh Development Agency, but one that is actually fit for the present, that's learnt the lessons of the previous WDA and strives to develop Welsh businesses as a core part of its remit. [Interruption.] Of course.
Mae bob amser yn ddiddorol iawn gwrando ar eich cyfraniadau, Mike, a'r amddiffyniad brwd i system ar hyn o bryd sydd wedi cadw pobl yng Nghymru mewn tlodi am y rhan orau nid o'r 26 mlynedd yr ydym wedi cael datganoli yng Nghymru, ond y rhan orau o ganrif, yn hollol onest. Am y rhan orau o ganrif rydym wedi gweld cyfoeth ac elw'n cael eu hidlo allan o Gymru i lefydd yn Llundain, nid er budd pobl Cymru, ond er budd y bobl sy'n eistedd yn Llundain. Felly, chwarae teg i chi, Mike. Chwarae teg i chi. Mae'n gyfraniad sy'n orlawn o anghysonderau, os caf ddweud.
Ond edrychwch, rwy'n credu y gall pob un ohonom yma gytuno ar un peth: mae angen inni weld cyfeiriad y Llywodraeth ar yr economi yn cael ei ailosod. Ac rwy'n falch o ddweud ein bod ni wedi mynd rywfaint o'r ffordd i wneud hynny gyda chyhoeddi ein strategaeth economaidd. Nawr, yn y strategaeth honno, fe wnaethom nodi ein bwriad, ymhlith pethau eraill, i sefydlu awdurdod datblygu newydd i Gymru, fel y mae'r cynnig hwn yn nodi—nawr, nid copi carbon o'r blaenorol ydyw, oherwydd roedd llawer o'i le gyda'r iteriad blaenorol o Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru, ond un sy'n addas ar gyfer y presennol, un sydd wedi dysgu gwersi yr Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru blaenorol ac sy'n ymdrechu i ddatblygu busnesau Cymru yn rhan greiddiol o'i gylch gorchwyl. [Torri ar draws.] Wrth gwrs.
Thank you very much. Will you recall that restoring parts of the WDA was actually a Welsh Conservative policy that was in the 2021 manifesto? Can you make any assurances that you haven't copied and pasted that from one of our previous ideas?
Diolch yn fawr. A ydych chi'n cofio bod adfer rhannau o Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru mewn gwirionedd yn bolisi gan y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig a oedd ym maniffesto 2021? A allwch chi roi unrhyw sicrwydd nad ydych chi wedi copïo a gludo hwnnw o un o'n syniadau blaenorol ni?
Thanks for your support.
Diolch am eich cefnogaeth.
Yes, thanks for your support on the policy on the WDA. I expect to see you vote in favour of our motion.
Of course, we heard it yesterday, actually, from the Cabinet Secretary for the economy—the establishment of a WDA is a very Plaid answer, a typical Plaid answer to every single problem that we have: set up a new quango, set up a new development agency. But, actually, I think it's quite important to remind the Chamber that this is not just something that Plaid are calling for, as we've already heard, but it's also something that many different people have agreed on. The case for a successor to the WDA has been outlined by the OECD, among others. It's an idea that's supported by businesses. There's been broad consensus that economic development in Wales has suffered since the dissolution of the WDA, and that, since then, the business support ecosystem has lacked coherence and unity of purpose. Cwmpas and the Federation of Small Businesses have highlighted, for example, the need for dedicated specialist support for small and medium-sized enterprises and social businesses. Cwmpas’s social business mapping report shows that start-up businesses are the most likely to see value in this type of support. So that's why we'll establish a new development agency for Wales, not because it's a typical Plaid Cymru answer, but because it's being raised time and time again, that need for a one-stop shop, that concierge for business.
And of course, the Government is already halfway there to agreeing with us, by the way. The Cabinet Secretary had this to say in presenting the findings of the business review to the Chamber:
‘the review also identifies areas where we can improve. The business support ecosystem in Wales is complex, involving a multitude of partners at national, regional, local and private sector levels. UK Government policies and funding streams, often designed with England in mind, add further complexity and do not always address the specific needs of Wales. The result is a fragmented landscape, with businesses having to navigate a confusing array of separate initiatives.’
Those were the words of the Cabinet Secretary when presenting the findings of the business review. I couldn't agree more. We've presented an option to deal with that, so when will the Government?
Ie, diolch am eich cefnogaeth ar y polisi ar Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru. Rwy'n disgwyl eich gweld yn pleidleisio o blaid ein cynnig.
Wrth gwrs, fe'i clywsom ddoe, mewn gwirionedd, gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr economi—mae sefydlu Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru yn ateb nodweddiadol gan Blaid Cymru i bob problem sydd gennym: sefydlwch gwango newydd, sefydlwch awdurdod datblygu newydd. Ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n eithaf pwysig atgoffa'r Siambr nad rhywbeth y mae Plaid Cymru'n unig yn galw amdano yw hyn, fel y clywsom eisoes, mae hefyd yn rhywbeth y mae llawer o wahanol bobl wedi cytuno yn ei gylch. Mae'r achos dros olynydd i Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru wedi'i amlinellu gan y Sefydliad ar gyfer Cydweithrediad a Datblygiad Economaidd, ymhlith eraill. Mae'n syniad sy'n cael ei gefnogi gan fusnesau. Cafwyd consensws eang fod datblygiad economaidd yng Nghymru wedi dioddef ers diddymu Awdurdod Datblygu Cymru, a bod yr ecosystem cymorth busnes yn brin o gydlyniant ac undod o ran pwrpas ers hynny. Mae Cwmpas a'r Ffederasiwn Busnesau Bach wedi tynnu sylw, er enghraifft, at yr angen am gymorth arbenigol pwrpasol i fusnesau bach a chanolig a busnesau cymdeithasol. Mae adroddiad mapio busnesau cymdeithasol Cwmpas yn dangos mai busnesau newydd yw'r rhai mwyaf tebygol o weld gwerth yn y math hwn o gymorth. Felly dyna pam y byddwn yn sefydlu awdurdod datblygu newydd i Gymru, nid oherwydd ei fod yn ateb nodweddiadol gan Blaid Cymru, ond oherwydd ei fod yn cael ei godi dro ar ôl tro, yr angen am siop un stop, am concierge ar gyfer busnes.
Ac wrth gwrs, mae'r Llywodraeth eisoes hanner ffordd yno i gytuno â ni, gyda llaw. Roedd gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet hyn i'w ddweud wrth gyflwyno canfyddiadau'r adolygiad busnes i'r Siambr:
'mae'r adolygiad hefyd yn nodi meysydd lle gallwn ni wella. Mae'r ecosystem cymorth busnes yng Nghymru yn gymhleth, ac mae'n cynnwys llu o bartneriaid ar lefel genedlaethol, ranbarthol, leol a sector preifat. Mae polisïau a ffrydiau cyllido Llywodraeth y DU, sydd wedi'u cynllunio'n aml gyda Lloegr mewn golwg, yn ychwanegu cymhlethdod arall ac nid ydynt bob amser yn ymdrin ag anghenion penodol Cymru. Y canlyniad yw tirwedd dameidiog, gyda busnesau yn gorfod llywio amrywiaeth ddryslyd o fentrau gwahanol.'
Geiriau Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet oedd y rheini wrth gyflwyno canfyddiadau'r adolygiad busnes. Rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr. Rydym wedi cyflwyno opsiwn i fynd i'r afael â hynny, felly pryd fydd y Llywodraeth yn gwneud hynny?
I did welcome today's debate in order to remind the people of Wales that there's a very important Welsh general election coming along in May, and I think it's also really important to remind them of the connection in how they vote and who they have representing them. The amendment that's been brought forward in this debate by the Welsh Government includes just a few of Welsh Labour's achievements, but of course there are many more, and I'd just like to focus on a couple of areas in my contribution.
Animal health and welfare has always been at the heart of Welsh Labour's policies, legislation and achievements. It's very clear to me that Wales is a country of animal lovers, and I'm sure I'm not the only Member here that has a significant postbag on animal health and welfare, and constituents often tell me they prefer their animals to human beings. There is no party represented in this Chamber, or who aspires to be represented in this Chamber, who cares more about animal health and welfare than Welsh Labour. And if you look at the achievements over this last term of Government, there are many: new licensing regimes to protect our animals; Welsh Government-funded Animal Licensing Wales scheme; an enforcement project led by local authorities; a new national model introduced for the regulation of animal welfare; important and much needed work on responsible dog breeding and ownership, ensuring that there's collaboration between our local authorities, police and the third sector, and also, importantly, campaigners; an animal health and welfare framework, which has set out continuing and lasting improvements for our kept animals. Wales led the way across the UK by being the first country to ban snares and glue traps. The introduction of mandatory CCTV in all Welsh slaughter houses—regulations that were widely welcomed. And before the end of this parliamentary session, I hope this Senedd will vote to ban greyhound racing, a cruel and outdated practice that has no place in a modern Wales.
Fe wneuthum groesawu'r ddadl heddiw er mwyn atgoffa pobl Cymru fod etholiad cyffredinol pwysig iawn yng Nghymru yn dod ym mis Mai, ac rwy'n credu ei bod hefyd yn bwysig iawn eu hatgoffa o'r cysylltiad rhwng y ffordd y maent yn pleidleisio a phwy sydd ganddynt i'w cynrychioli. Mae'r gwelliant sydd wedi'i gyflwyno yn y ddadl hon gan Lywodraeth Cymru yn cynnwys rhai yn unig o gyflawniadau Llafur Cymru, ond wrth gwrs mae yna lawer mwy, a hoffwn ganolbwyntio ar un neu ddau o feysydd yn fy nghyfraniad.
Mae iechyd a lles anifeiliaid bob amser wedi bod yn rhan ganolog o bolisïau, deddfwriaeth a chyflawniadau Llafur Cymru. Mae'n amlwg iawn i mi fod Cymru'n wlad sy'n hoff o anifeiliaid, ac rwy'n siŵr nad fi yw'r unig Aelod yma sydd â bag post sylweddol ar iechyd a lles anifeiliaid, ac mae etholwyr yn aml yn dweud wrthyf ei bod yn well ganddynt eu hanifeiliaid na bodau dynol. Nid oes unrhyw blaid a gynrychiolir yn y Siambr hon, neu sy'n awyddus i gael ei chynrychioli yn y Siambr hon, yn malio mwy am iechyd a lles anifeiliaid na Llafur Cymru. Ac os edrychwch ar y cyflawniadau dros dymor diwethaf y Llywodraeth, mae yna lawer: cyfundrefnau trwyddedu newydd i ddiogelu ein hanifeiliaid; Cynllun Trwyddedu Anifeiliaid Cymru a ariennir gan Lywodraeth Cymru; prosiect gorfodi dan arweiniad awdurdodau lleol; model cenedlaethol newydd wedi'i gyflwyno ar gyfer rheoleiddio lles anifeiliaid; gwaith pwysig a mawr ei angen ar fridio a chadw cŵn yn gyfrifol, gan sicrhau bod cydweithrediad rhwng ein hawdurdodau lleol, yr heddlu a'r trydydd sector, ac ymgyrchwyr hefyd, sy'n bwysig; fframwaith iechyd a lles anifeiliaid, sydd wedi nodi gwelliannau parhaus a pharhaol i'n hanifeiliaid a gedwir. Arweiniodd Cymru y ffordd ar draws y DU trwy fod y wlad gyntaf i wahardd maglau a thrapiau glud. Yr orfodaeth i gyflwyno teledu cylch cyfyng ym mhob lladd-dy yng Nghymru—rheoliadau a groesawyd yn eang. A chyn diwedd y sesiwn seneddol hon, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y Senedd hon yn pleidleisio i wahardd rasio milgwn, hen weithgaredd creulon nad oes iddo le yn y Gymru fodern.
Would you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Yes.
Gwnaf.
Just on that point—and I absolutely agree with you—there's history here with Adam Price, when he voted in Parliament in 2002 against banning hunting with dogs. Just to set the record straight. I think it's only fair that we do that.
Ar y pwynt hwnnw—ac rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr â chi—mae hanes yma gan Adam Price, pan bleidleisiodd yn y Senedd yn 2002 yn erbyn gwahardd hela gyda chŵn. I ni gael pethau'n gywir. Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n deg ein bod ni'n gwneud hynny.
Thank you, Joyce. Well, as I say, I do hope that across the Chamber—I certainly think there is cross-party support to vote to ban greyhound racing.
But, of course, improving animal health doesn't just impact on animals, it has a massive impact on our public health, and this Welsh Government continues to lead the way on a 'one health' approach, ensuring that we have integration of human, animal, plant and ecosystem health. There are so many global challenges that threaten our health, and the interconnection of those four pillars is vital. We sadly experienced that very starkly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The Welsh Government has also been at the fore with the policy of reducing antibiotic misuse in our animals.
Just on a different topic, one achievement I do want to highlight, because I think it is really important to recognise this, because this has been over the entire 27 years of devolution, and that's our recycling rates. Back in 1999, when devolution began, we were next to bottom in the world recycling rates. Now, during this last term of Government, we are second in the world. This would not have happened, of course, without the people of Wales recognising they can play their part in mitigating climate change by recycling and reusing materials. It wouldn't have happened without local authorities across Wales introducing the blueprint and staffing the many excellent household recycling centres we have. But it definitely would not have happened without the leadership and, very importantly, without the millions and millions of pounds from the Welsh Government, which they ensured was there year on year, even during all the years of austerity.
So, the next election, as somebody from Plaid Cymru said in one of their contributions, is about what will happen in the future, and I look forward to the Welsh Labour manifesto being put before the people of Wales and what policies will be on offer. Diolch.
Diolch, Joyce. Wel, fel y dywedaf, rwy'n gobeithio ar draws y Siambr—rwy'n sicr yn credu bod cefnogaeth drawsbleidiol i bleidlais ar wahardd rasio milgwn.
Ond wrth gwrs, nid ar anifeiliaid yn unig y mae gwella iechyd anifeiliaid yn effeithio, mae'n cael effaith enfawr ar iechyd y cyhoedd, ac mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn parhau i arwain y ffordd gyda dull 'un iechyd', gan sicrhau ein bod yn integreiddio iechyd pobl, anifeiliaid, planhigion ac ecosystemau. Mae cymaint o heriau byd-eang yn bygwth ein hiechyd, ac mae rhyng-gysylltiad y pedwar piler hynny'n allweddol. Yn anffodus, fe wnaethom brofi hynny'n glir iawn yn ystod pandemig COVID-19. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod ar flaen y gad hefyd gyda'r polisi i leihau camddefnydd o wrthfiotigau yn ein hanifeiliaid.
Ar bwnc gwahanol, un cyflawniad rwy'n awyddus i dynnu sylw ato, oherwydd rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig iawn ei gydnabod am ei fod wedi rhychwantu'r 27 mlynedd gyfan ers datganoli, yw ein cyfraddau ailgylchu. Yn ôl ym 1999, pan ddechreuodd datganoli, roeddem yn nesaf at y gwaelod yng nghyfraddau ailgylchu'r byd. Nawr, dros dymor diwethaf y Llywodraeth hon, rydym yn ail yn y byd. Ni fyddai hyn wedi digwydd, wrth gwrs, heb i bobl Cymru gydnabod y gallant chwarae eu rhan yn lliniaru newid hinsawdd trwy ailgylchu ac ailddefnyddio deunyddiau. Ni fyddai wedi digwydd heb i awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru gyflwyno'r glasbrint a staffio'r nifer o ganolfannau ailgylchu gwastraff cartref ardderchog sydd gennym. Ond yn bendant ni fyddai wedi digwydd heb yr arweinyddiaeth ac yn bwysig iawn, heb y miliynau ar filiynau o bunnoedd gan Lywodraeth Cymru, y gwnaethant sicrhau ei fod yno flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn, a dros holl flynyddoedd cyni hyd yn oed.
Felly, fel y dywedodd rhywun o Blaid Cymru yn un o'u cyfraniadau, mae'r etholiad nesaf yn ymwneud â'r hyn a fydd yn digwydd yn y dyfodol, ac edrychaf ymlaen at weld maniffesto Llafur Cymru yn cael ei gyflwyno i bobl Cymru a'r polisïau a gaiff eu cynnig. Diolch.
I welcome the opportunity to speak in this debate and respond directly to Plaid Cymru's motion and the amendments before us. Because although this debate is framed as being about the next Senedd election, in truth it's about Plaid nursing their own egos and trying to hoodwink the Welsh public.
After 26 years of Labour Government in Wales propped up by Plaid, year upon year, the people of Wales are angry, they're poorer and they're waiting longer. Yet they're being told by those in power that everything is improving. Plaid's motion talks about change, but Plaid cannot present itself as the alternative when it has been the enabler. You cannot repeatedly vote Labour into power, back their budgets, back their priorities, back their legislation, and then pretend to bear no responsibility for the outcomes. You need to own that you were the enabler, and the outcomes are plain to see. Waiting lists remain out of control, unemployment is through the roof, educational outcomes are the lowest in the UK, businesses are struggling, rural Wales feels ignored, and that's not an accident: it's the product of 26 years of political decisions supported consistently by Plaid Cymru.
Plaid wants voters to believe that independence is the answer to Wales's problems, but independence would not free Wales from failure; it would hardwire it. Some sources estimate that an independent Wales would inherit around £130 billion of debt, which is roughly £42,000 for every man, woman and child in Wales. No wonder you're trying to hide it from the electorate. It is your raison d'être, and people need to be reminded of it, and trust me, between now and May, we will be reminding them of that. At the same time—[Interruption.] I won’t if that's all right. At the same time, if Plaid took Wales to independence, they would rejoin the European Union at an estimated cost of £10 billion, directly contradicting the democratic decision by the Welsh people, including most of the people who voted you in, including the Member for Blaenau Gwent, who is often very vocal about this point. But that is not a plan for renewal, that's a plan for economic recklessness.
Plaid's leader has said openly that he does not believe that there's an immigration problem. Many communities across Wales would profoundly disagree with you, Rhun. Plaid supports open borders in practice, whilst refusing to acknowledge the pressures this places on housing—
Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i siarad yn y ddadl hon ac i ymateb yn uniongyrchol i gynnig Plaid Cymru a'r gwelliannau sydd ger ein bron. Oherwydd er bod y ddadl hon wedi'i fframio fel un sy'n ymwneud ag etholiad nesaf y Senedd, mae'n ymwneud go iawn â Phlaid Cymru'n bwydo eu hego eu hunain ac yn ceisio twyllo'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru.
Ar ôl 26 mlynedd o Lywodraeth Lafur yng Nghymru wedi'i chefnogi gan Blaid Cymru flwyddyn ar ôl blwyddyn, mae pobl Cymru'n ddig, maent yn dlotach ac maent yn aros yn hirach. Ac eto mae'r rhai mewn grym yn dweud wrthynt fod popeth yn gwella. Mae cynnig Plaid Cymru'n sôn am newid, ond ni all Plaid Cymru gyflwyno'u hunain fel y dewis arall a hithau wedi bod yn alluogwr. Ni allwch bleidleisio Llafur i rym dro ar ôl tro, cefnogi eu cyllidebau, cefnogi eu blaenoriaethau, cefnogi eu deddfwriaeth, ac esgus wedyn nad oes gennych unrhyw gyfrifoldeb am y canlyniadau. Mae angen i chi berchnogi'r ffaith mai chi oedd y galluogwr, ac mae'r canlyniadau'n amlwg i'w gweld. Mae rhestrau aros yn parhau i fod allan o reolaeth, mae diweithdra drwy'r to, mae ein canlyniadau addysgol yn is nag yn unman arall yn y DU, mae busnesau'n ei chael hi'n anodd, mae'r Gymru wledig yn teimlo eu bod yn cael eu hanwybyddu, ac nid damwain yw hynny, ond cynnyrch 26 mlynedd o benderfyniadau gwleidyddol a gefnogwyd yn gyson gan Blaid Cymru.
Mae Plaid Cymru eisiau i bleidleiswyr gredu mai annibyniaeth yw'r ateb i broblemau Cymru, ond ni fyddai annibyniaeth yn rhyddhau Cymru rhag methiant; byddai'n ei wreiddio. Mae rhai ffynonellau'n amcangyfrif y byddai Cymru annibynnol yn etifeddu tua £130 biliwn o ddyled, sef tua £42,000 i bob dyn, menyw a phlentyn yng Nghymru. Nid yw'n syndod eich bod chi'n ceisio ei guddio rhag yr etholwyr. Dyna yw eich raison d'être, ac mae angen atgoffa pobl o hynny, a chredwch fi, rhwng nawr a mis Mai, fe fyddwn ni'n eu hatgoffa o hynny. Ar yr un pryd—[Torri ar draws.] Ni wnaf os yw hynny'n iawn. Ar yr un pryd, pe bai Plaid Cymru'n arwain Cymru i annibyniaeth, byddent yn ailymuno â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ar gost amcangyfrifedig o £10 biliwn, yn gwbl groes i'r penderfyniad democrataidd a wnaed gan bobl Cymru, gan gynnwys y rhan fwyaf o'r bobl a bleidleisiodd drosoch chi, yn cynnwys yr Aelod dros Flaenau Gwent, sy'n aml yn groch iawn ar y pwynt hwn. Nid cynllun ar gyfer adnewyddu yw hwnnw, ond cynllun ar gyfer byrbwylltra economaidd.
Mae arweinydd Plaid wedi dweud yn agored nad yw'n credu bod yna broblem fewnfudo. Byddai llawer o gymunedau ledled Cymru'n anghytuno'n gryf, Rhun. Mae Plaid Cymru'n cefnogi ffiniau agored yn ymarferol, gan wrthod cydnabod y pwysau y mae hyn yn ei roi ar dai—
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
No, sorry.
—services and community cohesion in Wales. They want to break Wales away from the United Kingdom, while denying the very real challenges that people are raising on the doorsteps today. People do not want constitutional navel gazing.
Na, mae'n ddrwg gennyf.
—gwasanaethau a chydlyniant cymunedol yng Nghymru. Maent eisiau torri Cymru oddi wrth y Deyrnas Unedig, gan wadu'r heriau real iawn y mae pobl yn eu codi ar garreg y drws heddiw. Nid yw pobl eisiau bogailsyllu cyfansoddiadol.
From a Brexiteer.
Hyn gan gefnogwr Brexit.
Your raison d'être is based in cloud-cuckoo-land and nowhere is this failure of the Labour and Plaid partnership clearer than in our NHS. After 26 years, patients are waiting too long, staff are burnt out and money is being swallowed by layers of bureaucracy. Reform would reform the NHS, but it would also keep it free at the point of delivery. Now, we talk about the spreading of lies this week—[Interruption.] We talk about the spreading of lies this week, Joyce Watson, yet every party in this Chamber has spread the lie that Reform would privatise the NHS in Wales—[Interruption.] It is just not true. Reform would cut unnecessary management, put resources back on the front line—[Interruption.] Deputy Presiding Officer, are you going to ask everyone to be quiet?
Mae eich raison d'être wedi'i leoli mewn cwmwl o ffantasi ac mae methiant y bartneriaeth Lafur a Phlaid Cymru ar ei gliriaf yn ein GIG. Ar ôl 26 mlynedd, mae cleifion yn aros yn rhy hir, mae staff wedi ymlâdd ac mae arian yn cael ei lyncu gan haenau o fiwrocratiaeth. Byddai Reform yn diwygio'r GIG, ond byddai hefyd yn ei gadw'n rhad ac am ddim yn y man darparu. Nawr, rydym yn siarad am ledaenu celwyddau yr wythnos hon—[Torri ar draws.] Rydym yn sôn am ledaenu celwyddau yr wythnos hon, Joyce Watson, ond mae pob plaid yn y Siambr hon wedi lledaenu'r celwydd y byddai Reform yn preifateiddio'r GIG yng Nghymru—[Torri ar draws.] Nid yw'n wir. Byddai Reform yn torri rheolaeth ddiangen, yn rhoi adnoddau yn ôl ar y rheng flaen—[Torri ar draws.] Ddirprwy Lywydd, a ydych chi'n mynd i ofyn i bawb fod yn dawel?
I think they've quietened down themselves.
Rwy'n credu eu bod wedi ymdawelu.
Thank you very much. I appreciate that.
Reform would cut that unnecessary management, put resources back on the front line and focus on retaining and valuing our NHS staff. [Interruption.] We would keep prescriptions free. We would put patients before ideology. While Plaid talks about plans, people talk about the bills they cannot afford or pay. Whilst Plaid talks about values, people talk about their lives getting harder. And whilst the Conservatives now say many of the right things, the trust there has been broken—
Diolch yn fawr. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi.
Byddai Reform yn lleihau'r rheolaeth ddiangen honno, yn rhoi adnoddau yn ôl ar y rheng flaen ac yn canolbwyntio ar gadw a pharchu ein staff GIG. [Torri ar draws.] Byddwn yn cadw presgripsiynau am ddim. Byddwn yn rhoi cleifion o flaen ideoleg. Tra bod Plaid Cymru'n siarad am gynlluniau, mae pobl yn siarad am y biliau na allant eu fforddio na'u talu. Tra bod Plaid Cymru'n siarad am werthoedd, mae pobl yn siarad am eu bywydau'n mynd yn anos. Ac er bod y Ceidwadwyr yn dweud llawer o'r pethau cywir nawr, mae'r ymddiriedaeth yno wedi'i thorri—
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
I won't, I'm afraid.
People remember being let down across the whole of the UK, and that's why this election matters. Wales does not need more managed decline dressed up as progress; it needs real change. Reform would scrap the 20 mph speed limit where it's not needed and get Wales moving again, because you cannot grow an economy that is permanently stuck in traffic. We will deliver vital infrastructure, including the M4 relief road, after Labour and Plaid wasted hundreds of millions on reports and indecision. We will scrap the unrealistic net-zero policies imposed by Labour-Plaid that drive up energy bills that punish ordinary families. We'll invest in affordable, reliable energy, so that people are not choosing between heating and eating and with that, we will produce jobs. We will stand up for farmers, putting food production at the centre and the heart of our policies, tackle TB head on, and support our rural communities—[Interruption.] You will see soon. We will crack down on unlicensed houses in multiple occupation that may house illegal immigrants—
Na wnaf, mae arnaf ofn.
Mae pobl yn cofio cael eu siomi ar draws y DU gyfan, a dyna pam y mae'r etholiad hwn yn bwysig. Nid yw Cymru angen mwy o ddirywiad wedi'i reoli wedi'i wisgo fel cynnydd; mae angen newid go iawn. Byddai Reform yn dileu'r terfyn cyflymder o 20 mya lle nad oes ei angen ac yn cael Cymru i symud eto, oherwydd ni allwch dyfu economi sy'n sownd yn mewn traffig drwy'r amser. Byddwn yn darparu seilwaith hanfodol, gan gynnwys ffordd liniaru'r M4, ar ôl i Lafur a Phlaid Cymru wastraffu cannoedd o filiynau ar adroddiadau a diffyg penderfyniad. Byddwn yn dileu'r polisïau sero net afrealistig a osodwyd gan Lafur a Phlaid Cymru sy'n cynyddu biliau ynni gan gosbi teuluoedd cyffredin. Byddwn yn buddsoddi mewn ynni fforddiadwy, dibynadwy, fel nad yw pobl yn dewis rhwng gwresogi a bwyta a chyda hynny, byddwn yn cynhyrchu swyddi. Byddwn yn sefyll dros ffermwyr, gan roi lle canolog i gynhyrchiant bwyd yn ein polisïau, yn mynd benben â TB, ac yn cefnogi ein cymunedau gwledig—[Torri a draws.] Fe welwch yn fuan. Byddwn yn gweithredu'n llym ar dai amlfeddiannaeth heb eu trwyddedu a allai fod yn gartref i fudwyr anghyfreithlon—
Laura, you need to conclude now, please.
Laura, mae angen i chi ddod i ben nawr, os gwelwch yn dda.
—and enforce the law properly and protect communities that feel ignored and overwhelmed.
Members across the Chamber—for the benefit of the people at home—are asking me when our policies will be produced. Now, let me just make this absolutely clear: the detail behind what I'm just announcing now will come very soon, but we are preparing to be in Government. Unlike people around this Chamber who can say anything, we're preparing to be in Government now.
—a gorfodi'r gyfraith yn briodol a diogelu cymunedau sy'n teimlo eu bod yn cael eu hanwybyddu a'u llethu.
Mae Aelodau ar draws y Siambr—er budd y bobl gartref—yn gofyn i mi pryd y bydd ein polisïau'n cael eu cynhyrchu. Nawr, gadewch imi wneud hyn yn hollol glir: bydd y manylion sy'n sail i'r hyn rwyf newydd ei gyhoeddi nawr yn dod yn fuan iawn, ond rydym yn paratoi i fod yn y Llywodraeth. Yn wahanol i bobl o gwmpas y Siambr sy'n gallu dweud unrhyw beth, rydym ni'n paratoi i fod yn y Llywodraeth nawr.
Laura, you need to conclude, please.
Laura, mae angen i chi ddod i ben, os gwelwch yn dda.
The money spent here on Welsh—. This election is not about slogans or virtue signalling, it's about responsibility. Labour broke Wales, Plaid enabled it, the Conservatives failed the UK, Reform is here to end the nonsense. We will not—
Mae'r arian sy'n cael ei wario yma ar y Gymru—. Nid oes a wnelo'r etholiad hwn â sloganau na brolio rhinweddau, mae a wnelo â chyfrifoldeb. Mae Llafur wedi torri Cymru, cafodd ei galluogi gan Blaid Cymru, gwnaeth y Ceidwadwyr gam â'r DU, mae Reform yma i roi diwedd ar y nonsens. Ni fyddwn—
Laura, I've asked three times that you conclude and I will have to switch the microphone off if you don't.
Laura, rwyf wedi gofyn dair gwaith i chi ddod i ben a bydd yn rhaid imi ddiffodd y meicroffon os nad ydych chi'n gwneud hynny.
We will not be supporting this motion today.
Ni fyddwn yn cefnogi'r cynnig hwn heddiw.
We've heard a lot of people say that we're not dealing with the things—. I think James Evans said that this election should be about things that matter to the people of Wales. Well, that's literally what's in our motion. Literally what's in the motion. So, perhaps we'll have a debate on the motion. And I want to talk about one of the things in the motion, which is to do with inequality.
The foundations of inequality are laid early. When we fail children in those early years, we pay the price later, socially, economically and morally. And, you know, we're talking about values, Laura Anne Jones, yes, they're an old nuisance, aren't they, values? But values are what politics should be built on. That's why one of the first policies Plaid Cymru announced that we'd enact should we be in Government was to pilot a direct payment to support our poorest children, following the lead of the SNP Government in Scotland, who only yesterday in their budget announced that they would build on the success of that method to tackle child poverty by increasing payments for the youngest children to £40. They're showing ambition. We want to show the same ambition.
It's why we would invest in a new childcare offer for Wales, because enabling access to childcare and early years education is one of the most powerful tools any Government has to tackle poverty—[Interruption.] No, I'm going to make some progress—reduce inequality and transform life chances across generations. Yes, it's expensive, but investment in childcare and early years education is consistently identified as one of the highest return investments a Government can make. The global evidence is overwhelming. Every pound invested in high-quality early years provision delivers a return of around 13 per cent over the long term. It more than pays for itself through better educational outcomes, higher lifetime earnings, improved health and reduced pressure on public services, lowering costs for families, increasing their access to higher incomes. For many families, childcare costs are more than their rent or their mortgage.
In a recent report on tackling poverty by improving childcare, the Bevan Foundation pointed out, for example, that a female worker with a child aged under two working full time at the twenty-fifth percentile of earnings must currently spend nearly 60 per cent of her weekly earnings on the cost of childcare. That's not just unfair, it's economically irrational. Oxfam Cymru tells us that 92 per cent of parents and guardians believe childcare costs are too high relative to their income. Seventy per cent say they have no surplus income or savings at all after paying for childcare. That's not a system that supports families, it's a system that denies them.
Research from Women's Equality Network Wales shows that 59 per cent of parents have had to reduce their working hours because of childcare pressures, while 14 per cent have been forced to leave work altogether. So, this is a direct hit to family incomes, gender equality and the Welsh economy as a whole, and when we compare Wales with neighbouring nations, the need for action on this is stark. Coram's data shows that parents of children aged two and under in Wales pay, on average, £2,600 more a year for full-time nursery care than those in England, almost £4,400 more for part-time care. Compared with Scotland, Welsh parents pay around £1,700 more each year. That's not just a policy failure, it's a national failure in the nation where we have a statutory duty to consider the well-being of future generations.
Thanks to Plaid Cymru, this Senedd term began with ambition. Through the co-operation agreement, we secured a commitment to extend 12.5 hours of free childcare to all two-year-olds via Flying Start, and that was a significant step forward. But at the very moment when families are under unprecedented pressure, at the very time when Wales is projected to see child poverty levels rise, at the very time the Welsh Government has published its new child poverty strategy, ambition has stalled. Because tackling child poverty means supporting parents to work if they want to work and if they can work. Giving children the best possible start in life means recognising childcare not as some additional burdensome cost, but as essential national infrastructure.
Plaid Cymru would introduce a transformative new universal free childcare programme available to all children from nine months. We will build towards providing at least 20 hours a week for 48 weeks of the year, the most generous childcare offer ever made in Wales and the most generous in the UK. This is a game-changing intervention with multigenerational and long-term impact. This is an expensive policy, but if we're serious about tackling inequality and poverty in Wales, then childcare must sit at the heart of our national vision. What could be a more valuable asset to the nation than its children, its actual, literal future? They are worth every penny.
Rydym wedi clywed llawer o bobl yn dweud nad ydym yn delio â'r pethau—. Rwy'n credu bod James Evans wedi dweud y dylai'r etholiad hwn ymwneud â phethau sy'n bwysig i bobl Cymru. Wel, dyna'n llythrennol beth sydd yn ein cynnig. Yn llythrennol beth sydd yn y cynnig. Felly, efallai y gallwn gael dadl ar y cynnig. Ac rwyf am siarad am un o'r pethau yn y cynnig, sy'n ymwneud ag anghydraddoldeb.
Mae sylfeini anghydraddoldeb yn cael eu gosod yn gynnar. Pan fyddwn yn gwneud cam â phlant yn y blynyddoedd cynnar, rydym yn talu'r pris yn ddiweddarach, yn gymdeithasol, yn economaidd ac yn foesol. Ac rydym yn siarad am werthoedd, Laura Anne Jones; maent yn hen niwsans, onid ydynt, gwerthoedd? Ond gwerthoedd yw'r hyn y dylai gwleidyddiaeth gael ei adeiladu arnynt. Dyna pam mai un o'r polisïau cyntaf y cyhoeddodd Plaid Cymru y byddem yn eu deddfu pe baem yn Llywodraeth oedd treialu taliad uniongyrchol i gefnogi ein plant tlotaf, gan ddilyn arweiniad Llywodraeth yr SNP yn yr Alban, a gyhoeddodd ddoe yn eu cyllideb y byddent yn adeiladu ar lwyddiant y ffordd honno o fynd i'r afael â thlodi plant drwy gynyddu taliadau ar gyfer y plant ieuengaf i £40. Maent yn dangos uchelgais. Rydym ninnau eisiau dangos yr un uchelgais.
Dyna pam y byddem yn buddsoddi mewn cynnig gofal plant newydd i Gymru, am mai galluogi mynediad at ofal plant ac addysg blynyddoedd cynnar yw un o'r arfau mwyaf pwerus sydd gan unrhyw Lywodraeth i fynd i'r afael â thlodi—[Torri ar draws.] Na, rwy'n mynd i wneud rhywfaint o gynnydd—lleihau anghydraddoldeb a thrawsnewid cyfleoedd bywyd ar draws y cenedlaethau. Ydy, mae'n ddrud, ond mae buddsoddi mewn gofal plant ac addysg blynyddoedd cynnar yn cael ei nodi'n gyson fel un o'r buddsoddiadau a all greu'r enillion mwyaf y gall Llywodraeth eu gwneud. Mae'r dystiolaeth fyd-eang yn enfawr. Mae pob punt a fuddsoddir mewn darpariaeth blynyddoedd cynnar o ansawdd uchel yn darparu enillion o tua 13 y cant dros y tymor hir. Mae'n mwy na thalu amdano'i hun trwy well canlyniadau addysgol, enillion oes uwch, gwell iechyd a llai o bwysau ar wasanaethau cyhoeddus, gan leihau costau i deuluoedd a chynyddu eu mynediad at incwm uwch. I lawer o deuluoedd, mae costau gofal plant yn fwy na'u rhent neu eu morgais.
Mewn adroddiad diweddar ar fynd i'r afael â thlodi trwy wella gofal plant, nododd Sefydliad Bevan, er enghraifft, fod yn rhaid i weithiwr benywaidd â phlentyn o dan ddwy oed sy'n gweithio'n llawn amser ar y pumed canradd ar hugain o enillion wario bron i 60 y cant o'i henillion wythnosol ar gostau gofal plant. Mae hynny'n annheg, ond mae hefyd yn afresymol yn economaidd. Mae Oxfam Cymru yn dweud wrthym fod 92 y cant o rieni a gwarcheidwaid yn credu bod costau gofal plant yn rhy uchel o'i gymharu â'u hincwm. Mae 70 y cant yn dweud nad oes ganddynt unrhyw incwm neu gynilion dros ben o gwbl ar ôl talu am ofal plant. Nid yw honno'n system sy'n cefnogi teuluoedd, mae'n system sy'n eu hamddifadu.
Mae ymchwil gan Rwydwaith Cydraddoldeb Menywod Cymru yn dangos bod 59 y cant o rieni wedi gorfod lleihau eu horiau gwaith oherwydd pwysau gofal plant, tra bod 14 y cant wedi cael eu gorfodi i roi'r gorau i'w gwaith yn gyfan gwbl. Felly, mae hon yn ergyd uniongyrchol i incwm teuluoedd, cydraddoldeb rhwng y rhywiau ac economi Cymru yn gyffredinol, a phan fyddwn yn cymharu Cymru â gwledydd cyfagos, mae'r angen i weithredu ar hyn yn amlwg. Mae data Coram yn dangos bod rhieni plant dwy oed ac iau yng Nghymru yn talu, ar gyfartaledd, £2,600 yn fwy y flwyddyn am ofal meithrin amser llawn na'r rhai yn Lloegr, bron i £4,400 yn fwy am ofal rhan-amser. O gymharu â'r Alban, mae rhieni yng Nghymru'n talu tua £1,700 yn fwy bob blwyddyn. Nid methiant polisi yn unig yw hynny, mae'n fethiant cenedlaethol yn y wlad lle mae gennym ddyletswydd statudol i ystyried lles cenedlaethau'r dyfodol.
Diolch i Blaid Cymru, dechreuodd y tymor hwn yn y Senedd gydag uchelgais. Drwy'r cytundeb cydweithio, fe wnaethom sicrhau ymrwymiad i gynnig 12.5 awr o ofal plant am ddim i bob plentyn dwy oed drwy Dechrau'n Deg, ac roedd hwnnw'n gam sylweddol ymlaen. Ond ar yr union adeg pan fo teuluoedd o dan bwysau digynsail, ar yr union adeg pan ragwelir y bydd lefelau tlodi plant yn codi yng Nghymru, ar yr union adeg y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cyhoeddi ei strategaeth tlodi plant newydd, mae'r uchelgais wedi dod i stop. Oherwydd mae mynd i'r afael â thlodi plant yn golygu cefnogi rhieni i weithio os ydynt eisiau gweithio ac os gallant weithio. Mae rhoi'r dechrau gorau posib i blant mewn bywyd yn golygu cydnabod gofal plant nid fel rhyw gost feichus ychwanegol, ond fel seilwaith cenedlaethol hanfodol.
Byddai Plaid Cymru yn cyflwyno rhaglen newydd drawsnewidiol o ofal plant am ddim i bob plentyn o naw mis oed ymlaen. Byddwn yn adeiladu tuag at ddarparu o leiaf 20 awr yr wythnos am 48 wythnos o'r flwyddyn, y cynnig gofal plant mwyaf hael a wnaed erioed yng Nghymru a'r mwyaf hael yn y DU. Mae'n ymyrraeth sy'n newid popeth gydag effaith amlgenhedlaeth a hirdymor. Mae'n bolisi drud, ond os ydym o ddifrif ynglŷn â mynd i'r afael ag anghydraddoldeb a thlodi yng Nghymru, rhaid i ofal plant fod yn rhan ganolog o'n gweledigaeth genedlaethol. Beth allai fod yn ased mwy gwerthfawr i'r genedl na'i phlant, ei dyfodol go iawn, yn llythrennol? Maent yn werth pob ceiniog.
As with Lesley Griffiths when she spoke earlier, I was very pleased when I saw the title to this debate, because I thought we might be discussing the important and radical reforms that we've made to this Welsh Parliament, to this Senedd, which are about improving the ability and capacity to legislate, to develop policy and to improve our democracy. Instead, on reading the motion, it is little more than a scattergun trailer for the Plaid Cymru manifesto, and I think that is a bit of a missed opportunity.
I'm going to start by focusing on the importance of the elections themselves. Can I begin by saying how disappointed I am that we will not be able to ensure that everyone in Wales is automatically on the electoral register? Nevertheless, I understand the reasons and the complications, and that this will be implemented soon. It is a groundbreaking electoral reform in the UK of which we should be very, very proud. Despite this, the May 2026 elections will be the most democratic elections of any Parliament in the United Kingdom. The franchise and the proportional voting system will ensure that the outcome of the election will represent the genuine choices of the Welsh people and that every vote will count.
Whether I like the outcome or not is irrelevant; what is important is that there is a genuine democratic mandate. We see from around the world—just looking at the situation, for example, in the United States of America, but other countries also—what happens when the outcome of elections becomes more important than the democratic process. So, let's start by recognising the importance of the changes that we have made as part of the process of re-engaging with the people of Wales and all those who have either fallen off the electoral register or the growing army of people who don't think that voting can make a difference to their lives.
When people disengage, the door opens to those for whom power is the sole objective, those who would manipulate the system, who through misinformation and deceit would distort the debates, and those who would use hate and division to divide people and communities to gain political advantage or opportunity. We've seen so many examples of this recently, haven't we? People prepared to discard their principles and beliefs for the sake of some illusory power or the offer of power. Democracy and the rule of law are the foundations of freedom, and by increasing our capacity to hold Government to account by the reforms that we have made and by improving our electoral democracy, we are taking some of the first steps to restoring trust and accountability. We should take pride that we have taken the lead in Wales.
The rest of the motion is, as I have described, a bit of pre-election politicking, so I leave that to the movers. What I want to talk about is how, as a result of elections and democracy and manifestos, we can and do deliver for the people of Wales. My constituency of Pontypridd, I think, is an example of what the partnership of a Labour Welsh Government and a Labour local authority and a local community not only can do to make real change, but actually have made real change.
When I was first elected, 15 years ago, Pontypridd was on its heels. Transport was poor, the town was in a poor shape and businesses were demoralised. That has changed, and it is changing. Working with the then Minister Lesley Griffiths and then meeting with Ken Skates and council leader Andrew Morgan, the town has been transformed and revitalised. It was a simple grant from the Welsh Government to buy the freehold of the old derelict Taff precinct, the decision to locate the embryonic, then, Transport for Wales in Pontypridd, enabling the council then to have the business case to enable it to redevelop the town, and it has been an enormous success.
Added to that, over the past 15 years, there's the work that the Welsh Government did with EU support, the restoration of the beloved lido, the pedestrianisation and modernisation of the station, the new trains, the regular trains, the restoration and development of the YMCA, now known as YMa, the restoration of the Muni and other investments. These have created in Pontypridd a buzzing, a thriving, modern and indeed a cultural town. I look to the Muni, I look to YMa, I look to Clwb y Bont for all those who are now embracing a real culture within the town of Pontypridd. Of course, there still are enormous challenges, but let us at least recognise the very significant success when we see it.
The last 10 years of a Labour Government working with Welsh authorities has seen a transformation of our schools. The shoddy, outdated, leaky, collapsing buildings that many of our children had to attend to have been replaced—
Fel gyda Lesley Griffiths pan siaradodd yn gynharach, roeddwn yn falch iawn pan welais deitl y ddadl hon, oherwydd roeddwn i'n meddwl y gallem drafod y diwygiadau pwysig a radical yr ydym wedi'u gwneud i'r Senedd Gymreig hon sy'n ymwneud â gwella'r gallu a'r capasiti i ddeddfu, i ddatblygu polisi ac i wella ein democratiaeth. Yn lle hynny, wrth ddarllen y cynnig, nid yw'n fawr mwy na rhagflas driphlith draphlith o faniffesto Plaid Cymru, ac rwy'n credu ei fod yn gyfle a gollwyd.
Rwy'n mynd i ddechrau trwy ganolbwyntio ar bwysigrwydd yr etholiadau eu hunain. A gaf i ddechrau trwy ddweud pa mor siomedig wyf i na fyddwn yn gallu sicrhau bod pawb yng Nghymru yn awtomatig ar y gofrestr etholiadol? Serch hynny, rwy'n deall y rhesymau a'r cymhlethdodau, ac y bydd hyn yn cael ei weithredu'n fuan. Mae'n ddiwygiad etholiadol arloesol yn y DU y dylem fod yn falch iawn ohono. Er hynny, etholiadau mis Mai 2026 fydd yr etholiadau mwyaf democrataidd i unrhyw un o Seneddau'r Deyrnas Unedig. Bydd yr etholfraint a'r system bleidleisio gyfrannol yn sicrhau y bydd canlyniad yr etholiad yn cynrychioli dewisiadau dilys pobl Cymru ac y bydd pob pleidlais yn cyfrif.
Mae'n amherthnasol a wyf i'n hoffi'r canlyniad ai peidio; yr hyn sy'n bwysig yw bod yna fandad democrataidd go iawn. Rydym yn gweld o bob cwr o'r byd—dim ond o edrych ar y sefyllfa, er enghraifft, yn Unol Daleithiau America, ond gwledydd eraill hefyd—beth sy'n digwydd pan fydd canlyniad etholiadau yn dod yn bwysicach na'r broses ddemocrataidd. Felly, gadewch inni ddechrau trwy gydnabod pwysigrwydd y newidiadau a wnaethom yn rhan o'r broses o ailymgysylltu â phobl Cymru a phawb sydd naill ai wedi syrthio oddi ar y gofrestr etholiadol neu'r fyddin gynyddol o bobl nad ydynt yn meddwl y gall pleidleisio wneud gwahaniaeth i'w bywydau.
Pan fydd pobl yn ymddieithrio, mae'r drws yn agor i'r rhai y mae pŵer yn unig amcan iddynt, y rhai a fyddai'n manipiwleiddio'r system, a fyddai trwy gamwybodaeth a thwyll yn ystumio'r dadleuon, a'r rhai a fyddai'n defnyddio casineb a rhaniadau i rannu pobl a chymunedau er mwyn ennill mantais neu gyfle gwleidyddol. Gwelsom gymaint o enghreifftiau o hyn yn ddiweddar, oni wnaethom? Pobl yn barod i aberthu eu hegwyddorion a'u credoau er mwyn rhyw bŵer dychmygol neu gynnig o bŵer. Democratiaeth a rheolaeth y gyfraith yw sylfeini rhyddid, a thrwy gynyddu ein gallu i ddwyn Llywodraeth i gyfrif drwy'r diwygiadau a wnaethom a thrwy wella ein democratiaeth etholiadol, fe gymerwn rai o'r camau cyntaf tuag at adfer ymddiriedaeth ac atebolrwydd. Dylem ymfalchïo ein bod wedi arwain ar hyn yng Nghymru.
Mae gweddill y cynnig yn wleidydda cyn etholiad, fel y dywedais, felly rwy'n gadael hynny i'r cyflwynwyr. Yr hyn rwyf am siarad amdano yw sut, o ganlyniad i etholiadau a democratiaeth a maniffestos, y gallwn gyflawni, ac yr ydym yn cyflawni ar ran pobl Cymru. Mae fy etholaeth i ym Mhontypridd yn enghraifft nid yn unig o'r hyn y gall partneriaeth rhwng Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru ac awdurdod lleol Llafur a chymuned leol ei wneud i greu newid go iawn, maent hefyd wedi llwyddo i greu newid go iawn.
Pan gefais fy ethol gyntaf, 15 mlynedd yn ôl, roedd Pontypridd ar ei gliniau. Roedd trafnidiaeth yn wael, roedd y dref mewn cyflwr gwael ac roedd busnesau wedi digalonni. Mae hynny wedi newid, ac mae yn newid. Gan weithio gyda'r Gweinidog ar y pryd, Lesley Griffiths, a chyfarfod â Ken Skates wedyn ac arweinydd y cyngor Andrew Morgan, mae'r dref wedi cael ei thrawsnewid a'i hadfywio. Cafwyd grant syml gan Lywodraeth Cymru i brynu rhydd-ddaliad hen adeilad adfeiliedig Taf, y penderfyniad wedyn i leoli Trafnidiaeth Cymru ym Mhontypridd, gan alluogi'r cyngor yn sgil hynny i gael yr achos busnes i'w alluogi i ailddatblygu'r dref, ac mae wedi bod yn llwyddiant ysgubol.
Yn ogystal â hynny, dros y 15 mlynedd diwethaf, fe wnaed gwaith gan Lywodraeth Cymru gyda chefnogaeth yr UE ar adfer y lido poblogaidd, pedestreiddio a moderneiddio'r orsaf, y trenau newydd, y trenau rheolaidd, adfer a datblygu'r YMCA, a elwir bellach yn YMa, adfer y Miwni a buddsoddiadau eraill. Mae'r rhain wedi creu tref fywiog, ffyniannus, fodern a diwylliannol yn wir ym Mhontypridd. Rwy'n edrych ar y Miwni, rwy'n edrych ar YMa, rwy'n edrych ar Glwb y Bont i bawb sydd bellach yn cofleidio diwylliant go iawn yn nhref Pontypridd. Wrth gwrs, fe geir heriau enfawr o hyd, ond gadewch inni o leiaf gydnabod llwyddiant sylweddol pan fyddwn yn ei weld.
Mae'r 10 mlynedd diwethaf o Lywodraeth Lafur yn gweithio gydag awdurdodau Cymru wedi arwain at drawsnewid ein hysgolion. Yn lle'r adeiladau gwael, hynafol, llaith, adfeiliog y bu'n rhaid i lawer o'n plant eu mynychu—
Mick, you need to conclude as well, please.
Mick, mae angen i chi ddod i ben hefyd, os gwelwch yn dda.
Dirprwy Lywydd, I was going to go on about the £2.4 billion that's been invested—
Ddirprwy Lywydd, roeddwn i'n mynd i sôn am y £2.4 biliwn sydd wedi'i fuddsoddi—
You've used your time elsewhere.
Rydych chi wedi defnyddio eich amser ar bethau eraill.
I'll take that. Can I just finish on one thing? In the important political debates that are going to take place over the coming months—the posturing and hyperbole that will be—let us not forget that we have made enormous achievements and we are achieving, and we still have a lot to achieve. And that's why I'll be supporting the next Labour Welsh Government.
Rwy'n derbyn hynny. A gaf i orffen ar un peth? Yn y dadleuon gwleidyddol pwysig sy'n mynd i ddigwydd dros y misoedd nesaf—yr ymagweddu a'r ormodiaith a fydd—gadewch inni beidio ag anghofio ein bod wedi gwneud cyflawniadau enfawr a'n bod yn cyflawni, ac mae gennym lawer i'w gyflawni o hyd. A dyna pam y byddaf yn cefnogi'r Llywodraeth Lafur nesaf yng Nghymru.
Un o ddyletswyddau sylfaenol unrhyw lywodraeth ddylai fod sicrhau dyfodol gwell i genedlaethau'r dyfodol a rhoi iddyn nhw'r sgiliau sylfaenol sydd eu hangen ar gyfer datblygiad personol, diogelwch swyddi a chyfleoedd bywyd gwell.
Yn anffodus, ar y metrig hollbwysig hwn, does dim amheuaeth bod Llafur dros y 26 mlynedd diwethaf wedi methu ein plant a'n pobl ifanc yn ofnadwy, ac yn eu tro wedi gwastraffu potensial anferthol ein cenedl ni. Fe ddylai'r canlyniadau PISA diweddaraf, sydd yn dangos Cymru ar ei lefel isaf erioed o ran cyrhaeddiad llythrennedd a rhifedd, gael eu hystyried fel gwarth cenedlaethol ac adlewyrchiad damniol o gamreolaeth Llafur ar y sector allweddol hwn.
Dim ond un arwydd o broblemau ehangach yw hyn. Mae gyda ni argyfwng recriwtio athrawon yng Nghymru sy'n parhau yn ddi-baid—sefyllfa sydd wedi gwaethygu oherwydd diffyg strategaeth glir gan y Llywodraeth. Mae'r costau cynnal a chadw hanesyddol yn ein hysgolion wedi cyrraedd lefelau arswydus o uchel, gyda llawer gormod o adeiladau addysgol ar draws y wlad mewn cyflwr truenus. Mae ein prifysgolion ni'n wynebu argyfwng ariannol dirfodol yn sgil diffyg gweledigaeth a chynllun gan y Llywodraeth i annog mwy o fyfyrwyr Cymreig i astudio yma yng Nghymru.
Mae'n hen bryd i ni newid cyfeiriad ac i droi tudalen lân ar ôl chwarter canrif a mwy o fethiannau gan Llafur. Plaid Cymru sy'n arwain y ffordd at ddyfodol mwy disglair i'n pobl ifanc drwy ein strategaeth drawsnewidiol i adnewyddu safonau addysg. Mi fyddwn ni'n datblygu cynllun llythrennedd a rhifedd sylfaenol newydd a fydd yn cynnwys meincnodau cenedlaethol, cefnogaeth dargedig, addysgu o ansawdd uchel, a thracio cynnydd yn gyson.
Mi fyddwn ni'n darparu llyfrgell ym mhob ysgol gynradd yng Nghymru er mwyn meithrin dwyeithrwydd a chariad gydol oes at ddarllen ymysg ein plant. Byddwn hefyd yn hybu dulliau darllen ar draws y cwricwlwm gan ymgyrffori llythrennedd ym mhob pwnc yn ein hysgolion uwchradd, a chefnogi hefyd ddisgyblion yn ystod y cyfnod pontio hollbwysig hwnnw o addysg gynradd i addysg uwchradd. Bydd Llywodraeth Paid Cymru'n buddsoddi yn nyfodol addysg Cymru drwy gynnig cymhellion teg a chystadleuol i ddenu a chadw'r athrawon sydd eu hangen ar ein hysgolion ni, gan gau'r bwlch â Lloegr yn raddol, gan sicrhau nad yw athrawon dan hyfforddiant yng Nghymru dan unrhyw anfantais ariannol os ydyn nhw'n dewis astudio a gweithio yma.
Nid mesurau dros dro yw'r rhain, fel rydym ni wedi dod i hen arfer o dan Llafur, ond rŷn ni am osod sylfeini angenrheidiol cyntaf tuag at greu system addysg fwy cynaliadwy, sy'n rhoi'r cyfle i'n plant a'n pobl ifanc i ffynnu a chyflawni eu potensial yn llawn. Dim ond Llywodraeth dan arweiniad Paid Cymru all gynnig y gobaith hwn i'n cenhedlaeth bresennol o blant. Diolch yn fawr iawn.
One of the fundamental duties of any government should be to ensure a better future for future generations and to give them the basic skills that they need for personal development, job security and better life opportunities.
Unfortunately, on this crucial metric, there is no doubt that Labour over the past 26 years has failed our children and young people dreadfully and, in turn, they have wasted the huge potential of our nation. The latest PISA results, which show Wales at its lowest ever level in terms of attainment in numeracy and literacy, should be seen as a cause of national shame and a damning reflection of Labour's mismanagement of this key sector.
That is only one sign of broader problems. We have a teacher recruitment crisis in Wales that continues without ceasing—a situation that has got worse because of a lack of a clear strategy from the Government. The historic maintenance costs in our schools have reached horrific levels with far too many educational buildings across the country in an appalling state. Our universities are facing an existential financial crisis due to the lack of planning from Government to encourage more Welsh students to study here in Wales.
It is about time that we change direction and turn the page after a quarter of a century and more of Labour failings. Plaid Cymru is leading the way to a brighter future for our young people through our transformational strategy to restore educational standards. We will be developing a fundamental literacy and numeracy plan that will establish national benchmarks, targeted support, high-quality teaching and transparent progress tracking.
We will provide a library in every primary school in Wales in order to nurture bilingualism and a lifelong love of reading among our children. We will also promote literacy across the curriculum, incorporating literacy in all subjects in our secondary schools. We will also be supporting pupils during that crucial transition period from primary to secondary education. A Plaid Cymru Government will invest in the educational future of Wales by offering fair and competitive benefits to attract and retain the teachers that we need in our schools, closing the gap with England gradually by ensuring that trainee teachers in Wales are not under any financial disadvantage if they choose to study and work here in Wales.
These are not temporary measures, as we have grown used to under Labour, but we want to lay the first foundations in creating an education system that is more sustainable, that provides opportunities for our children and young people to prosper and to deliver their full potential. Only a Plaid Cymru-led Government can offer this hope to this current generation of children. Thank you.
Galwaf nawr ar y Dirprwy Brif Weinidog ac Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Newid Hinsawdd a Materion Gwledig, Huw Irranca-Davies.
I now call on the Deputy First Minister and Cabinet Secretary for Climate Change and Rural Affairs, Huw Irranca-Davies.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. From the debate this afternoon, one thing is crystal clear: we all recognise that the Senedd election on 7 May 2026 is a pivotal moment for Wales. But it's also clear that we have yet another motion from the perpetual doomscrollers of Welsh politics on the Plaid Cymru benches. Plaid Cymru are once again choosing to talk Wales down, as are the Tories too. They may be happy to do that, but that will never be Welsh Labour's way, because we know we have more to do, but we also believe in Wales and the people of Wales, and the potential of Wales too.
What is striking about Plaid Cymru's motion is not what it includes, but what it ignores. It totally ignores the political and the economic context that this and past recent Labour Governments have been operating in. Over the last decade and more, we saw the UK Tory Government reigning over swingeing cuts and chaos. They slashed public services, crashed the economy, sent interest rates soaring, they made it dramatically harder and more expensive to build homes, invest in infrastructure or to support the essential services that we all rely on.
Against the backdrop of Tory cuts and chaos, Welsh Labour has provided serious and stable government, standing up for Wales and defending Wales from the worst harms of Tory mayhem. Welsh Labour stepped in to put more PCSOs on our streets when the UK Tory Government was cutting police. We provided and protected free prescriptions and hospital parking. When austerity made children's lives bleaker, we provided free school breakfasts to make sure that children were fed and ready to learn. With local government colleagues, we kept core services running against the relentless Tory attacks. And for over a decade, we defended people as best we could from the cuts being imposed on them from the Tory shires and squires. [Interruption.] I believe there was an intervention.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ddirprwy Lywydd. O'r ddadl y prynhawn yma, mae un peth yn glir iawn: rydym i gyd yn cydnabod bod etholiad y Senedd ar 7 Mai 2026 yn foment hollbwysig i Gymru. Ond mae hefyd yn amlwg fod gennym gynnig arall yma gan waesgrolwyr diddiwedd y byd gwleidyddol Cymreig ar feinciau Plaid Cymru. Mae Plaid Cymru unwaith eto'n dewis lladd ar Gymru, fel y Torïaid. Efallai eu bod nhw'n hapus i wneud hynny, ond nid dyna yw ffordd Llafur Cymru, oherwydd rydym yn gwybod bod gennym fwy i'w wneud, ond rydym hefyd yn credu yng Nghymru a phobl Cymru, a photensial Cymru hefyd.
Yr hyn sy'n drawiadol am gynnig Plaid Cymru yw'r hyn y mae'n ei anwybyddu, nid yr hyn y mae'n ei gynnwys. Mae'n anwybyddu'n llwyr y cyd-destun gwleidyddol ac economaidd y mae'r Llywodraeth Lafur hon a Llywodraethau Llafur diweddar wedi bod yn gweithredu o'i fewn. Dros y degawd a mwy diwethaf, gwelsom Lywodraeth Dorïaidd y DU yn llywodraethu dros doriadau llym ac anhrefn. Fe wnaethant dorri gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, chwalu'r economi, achosi i gyfraddau llog godi i'r entrychion, fe'i gwnaethant hi'n llawer anos ac yn ddrytach i adeiladu cartrefi, buddsoddi mewn seilwaith neu gefnogi'r gwasanaethau hanfodol yr ydym i gyd yn dibynnu arnynt.
Yn erbyn cefndir o doriadau ac anhrefn gan y Torïaid, mae Llafur Cymru wedi darparu Llywodraeth aeddfed a sefydlog, gan sefyll dros Gymru ac amddiffyn Cymru rhag niwed gwaethaf anhrefn y Torïaid. Camodd Llafur Cymru i mewn i roi mwy o swyddogion cymorth cymunedol yr heddlu ar ein strydoedd pan oedd Llywodraeth Dorïaidd y DU yn torri niferoedd yr heddlu. Fe wnaethom ddarparu a diogelu presgripsiynau am ddim a pharcio am ddim mewn ysbytai. Pan wnaeth y cyni ariannol fywydau plant yn fwy llwm, fe wnaethom ddarparu brecwastau ysgol am ddim i wneud yn siŵr fod plant yn cael eu bwydo ac yn barod i ddysgu. Gyda chymheiriaid llywodraeth leol, fe wnaethom gadw gwasanaethau craidd i redeg yn erbyn ymosodiadau di-baid y Torïaid. Ac am dros ddegawd, fe wnaethom amddiffyn pobl cymaint ag y gallem rhag y toriadau a oedd yn cael eu gorfodi arnynt gan y meistri Torïaidd. [Torri ar draws.] Rwy'n credu bod yna ymyriad.
You've succeeded today in really crashing Plaid's good reputation, which they believe they have. But if they are so bad, why do you, each term, go into partnership with them or coalition or a co-operation agreement with them? Why did you do it, up until 18 months ago?
Rydych chi wedi llwyddo heddiw i chwalu enw da Plaid Cymru, enw da y credant ei fod ganddynt. Ond os ydynt mor ddrwg, pam eich bod chi, bob tymor, yn mynd i bartneriaeth gyda nhw neu glymblaid neu gytundeb cydweithio? Pam y gwnaethoch chi hynny, hyd at 18 mis yn ôl?
Let me focus on Labour records. Because even against that backdrop of Tory chaos and cuts, we chose to invest, to deliver and to stand by our pledges.
Let me start with housing. The past few years have been the toughest environment for house building in a generation, but even so, we've invested over £2 billion in social housing. It is the highest level since the dawn of devolution. We made a pledge: 20,000 new social homes for rent. And even in the shadow of the Tories' economic crash, with soaring construction costs, we will deliver that target by the end of this year. That's more homes for people who really need them, more children with somewhere safe and warm to do their homework, more people living somewhere secure and with the opportunity to flourish. This didn't happen because conditions were easy, it happened because this Government—this Labour Government—chose to prioritise housing when others would have walked away, because we know it matters.
We also know that being secure in well-paid employment is the very best way out of poverty and how to improve people's lives, and that's why we have focused on growing the economy. Through targeted investment, we've directly supported over 46,000 jobs across Wales in advanced manufacturing, defence, life sciences, innovation, the circular economy and in our vital local industries.
On health, Plaid Cymru have called for a waiting list plan to clear the current backlog. Well, Dirprwy Lywydd, they've obviously missed the £120 million plan that has been providing more appointments, more tests and more operations for the last nine months. It's a plan—[Interruption.] I'll come to you in a moment. It's a plan that will have delivered almost 100,000 extra out-patient appointments across Wales by the end of December. It will have provided an extra 20,000 cataract operations by the end of March 2026. That's more, by the way, than the whole of 2024-25. And it's a plan that has delivered another fall in the overall waiting lists in October, with further reductions in the overall waiting lists and longest waits expected in November. I will give way to somebody behind me.
Gadewch imi ganolbwyntio ar gyflawniadau Llafur. Oherwydd hyd yn oed yn erbyn y cefndir o anhrefn a thoriadau Torïaidd, fe wnaethom ddewis buddsoddi, cyflawni a sefyll wrth ein haddewidion.
Gadewch imi ddechrau gyda thai. Mae'r blynyddoedd diwethaf wedi darparu'r amgylchedd anoddaf mewn cenhedlaeth ar gyfer adeiladu tai, ond er hynny, rydym wedi buddsoddi dros £2 biliwn mewn tai cymdeithasol. Dyma'r lefel uchaf ers dechrau datganoli. Gwnaethom addewid: 20,000 o gartrefi cymdeithasol newydd i'w gosod ar rent. A hyd yn oed yng nghysgod chwalfa economaidd y Torïaid, gyda chostau adeiladu cynyddol, byddwn yn cyflawni'r targed hwnnw erbyn diwedd eleni. Mae hynny'n golygu mwy o gartrefi i bobl sydd eu hangen yn fawr, mwy o blant gyda rhywle diogel a chynnes i wneud eu gwaith cartref, mwy o bobl yn byw mewn man diogel a chyda chyfle i ffynnu. Ni ddigwyddodd hyn am fod yr amodau'n hawdd, fe ddigwyddodd oherwydd bod y Llywodraeth hon—y Llywodraeth Lafur hon—wedi dewis blaenoriaethu tai pan fyddai eraill wedi troi cefn ar hynny, oherwydd ein bod yn gwybod ei fod yn bwysig.
Rydym hefyd yn gwybod mai bod yn ddiogel mewn gwaith ar gyflog da yw'r ffordd orau allan o dlodi a'r ffordd i wella bywydau pobl, a dyna pam ein bod wedi canolbwyntio ar dyfu'r economi. Drwy fuddsoddiad wedi'i dargedu, rydym wedi cefnogi'n uniongyrchol dros 46,000 o swyddi ledled Cymru ym maes gweithgynhyrchu uwch, amddiffyn, gwyddorau bywyd, arloesedd, yr economi gylchol ac yn ein diwydiannau lleol hanfodol.
Ar iechyd, mae Plaid Cymru wedi galw am gynllun rhestrau aros i glirio'r ôl-groniad presennol. Wel, Ddirprwy Lywydd, maent yn amlwg wedi methu'r cynllun £120 miliwn a fu'n darparu mwy o apwyntiadau, mwy o brofion a mwy o lawdriniaethau dros y naw mis diwethaf. Mae'n gynllun—[Torri ar draws.] Fe ddof atoch mewn eiliad. Mae'n gynllun a fydd wedi darparu bron i 100,000 o apwyntiadau cleifion allanol ychwanegol ledled Cymru erbyn diwedd mis Rhagfyr. Bydd wedi darparu 20,000 o lawdriniaethau cataract ychwanegol erbyn diwedd mis Mawrth 2026. Mae hynny'n fwy, gyda llaw, nag yn 2024-25 ar ei hyd. Ac mae'n gynllun sydd wedi cyflawni gostyngiad arall yn y rhestrau aros cyffredinol ym mis Hydref, gyda gostyngiadau pellach yn y rhestrau aros cyffredinol a'r arosiadau hiraf i'w disgwyl ym mis Tachwedd. Fe ildiaf i rywun y tu ôl i mi.
Thank you. The contrast is quite stark, isn't it? The Conservatives, when they were in Government in the UK, promised to electrify the railway line to Swansea and broke their promise in a devolved area. What did we do? We delivered a modern metro system, investing in railway infrastructure, which was not our responsibility, to improve the lives of the people we represent. That's the difference.
Diolch. Mae'r cyferbyniad yn eithaf clir, onid yw? Pan oeddent mewn grym yn y DU, addawodd y Ceidwadwyr drydaneiddio'r rheilffordd i Abertawe ac fe wnaethant dorri eu haddewid mewn maes datganoledig. Beth a wnaethom ni? Fe wnaethom gyflwyno system fetro fodern, gan fuddsoddi mewn seilwaith rheilffyrdd, nad oedd yn gyfrifoldeb i ni, i wella bywydau'r bobl a gynrychiolwn. Dyna'r gwahaniaeth.
Absolutely, and credit to previous Ministers, because if you look at transport, the £1 billion transformation of the core Valleys lines is one of the most significant infrastructure projects Wales has ever seen—reconnecting communities, unlocking economic opportunity. We've delivered free bus fares for over-60s, £1 bus fares for young people, we've put more money through that back in people's pockets, supporting people to get to work, education and training, and we'll go further in the future. And with the Bus Services (Wales) Bill, soon to be an Act, we are reshaping bus services around people, not profit, taking away that disastrous Tory deregulation of buses as well.
Let me turn to the environment, Dirprwy Lywydd, my own portfolio. We've made changes that will benefit our nation for decades—
Yn hollol, a phob clod i Weinidogion blaenorol, oherwydd os edrychwch ar drafnidiaeth, mae'r trawsnewidiad £1 biliwn i linellau craidd y Cymoedd yn un o'r prosiectau seilwaith mwyaf arwyddocaol a welodd Cymru erioed—yn ailgysylltu cymunedau a datgloi cyfleoedd economaidd. Rydym wedi darparu tocynnau bws am ddim i bobl dros 60 oed, tocynnau bws £1 i bobl ifanc, rydym wedi rhoi mwy o arian drwy hynny yn ôl ym mhocedi pobl, gan gynorthwyo pobl i gyrraedd gwaith, addysg a hyfforddiant, a byddwn yn mynd ymhellach yn y dyfodol. A chyda'r Bil Gwasanaethau Bysiau (Cymru), a fydd yn Ddeddf cyn bo hir, rydym yn ail-siapio gwasanaethau bysiau o amgylch pobl, nid elw, gan gael gwared ar ddadreoleiddio bysiau trychinebus y Torïaid.
Gadewch imi droi at yr amgylchedd, Ddirprwy Lywydd, fy mhortffolio fy hun. Rydym wedi gwneud newidiadau a fydd o fudd i'n cenedl am ddegawdau—
I've had requests from two people for interventions. Do you wish to take any?
Rwyf wedi cael ceisiadau gan ddau berson am ymyriadau. A ydych chi'n dymuno derbyn unrhyw un ohonynt?
I'll take them when I'm ready.
Fe'u derbyniaf pan fyddaf yn barod.
Gareth and Joyce.
Gareth a Joyce.
When I'm ready, Dirprwy Lywydd.
Pan fyddaf yn barod, Ddirprwy Lywydd.
When you're ready. When he's ready.
Pan fyddwch chi'n barod. Pan fydd yn barod.
On the environment, Dirprwy Lywydd—my own portfolio—we've made changes that will benefit our nation for decades to come, like the new national forest, which now stretches over 90,000 hectares of Wales, 38 estate woodlands, 72 new sites added since 2023. And let's not forget we've taken the decisive action to keep our communities safe with the Disused Mine and Quarry Tips (Wales) Act 2025 and the investment behind it as well.
Dirprwy Lywydd, we have used every lever available to us to build a fairer future, including for children in Wales. Nearly 60 million free school meals delivered, because no child should struggle to learn because they are hungry. And we are committed to improving our education system. We've delivered, let's not forget, the biggest school building programme in the UK since the 1960s. And the latest statistics on attainment in reading and numeracy show progress. We've got more to do, but attainment was higher for all year groups in English reading compared to 2022-23. We know there's more to do. We're determined to keep going, because every young person should have that opportunity. Welsh Labour in Government has provided the most progressive and generous student support offer in the UK, meaning that household income doesn't decide where you go to university. Now, some other parties want to change this, to create a two-tier system where your family's income would limit your ambition. That's what I would personally not call 'progressive' in any shape or form.
Now, we have always, Dirprwy Lywydd, argued that we've got more to do. No Government is perfect. But, Dirprwy Lywydd, we're proud of this Welsh Labour Government's achievements for the people of Wales. These were never inevitable. These were the outcomes of serious political choices. And the work isn't over. People in Wales are still facing daily challenges, and there's much more for us to do. And we're looking ahead to a new chapter and building a fairer future. After more than a decade of shielding Wales from Tory chaos and cuts, we can now turn the page, we can go further. We can create new growth and new opportunity here at home.
Since Eluned Morgan became First Minister, £16 billion of business funding has been announced following the Wales investment summit—£16 billion. An AI growth zone in south Wales, a clean energy powerhouse in the north, a drive behind producing renewable energy, building on the foundations we've already laid to create jobs and apprenticeships in every part of Wales. [Interruption.] I've taken a couple of interventions—
Ar yr amgylchedd, Ddirprwy Lywydd—fy mhortffolio fy hun—rydym wedi gwneud newidiadau a fydd o fudd i'n cenedl am ddegawdau i ddod, fel y goedwig genedlaethol newydd, sydd bellach yn ymestyn dros 90,000 hectar o Gymru, 38 o goetiroedd ystadau, 72 o safleoedd newydd wedi'u hychwanegu ers 2023. A gadewch inni beidio ag anghofio ein bod wedi cymryd camau pendant i gadw ein cymunedau'n ddiogel gyda Deddf Tomenni Mwyngloddiau a Chwareli Nas Defnyddir (Cymru) 2025 a'r buddsoddiad sy'n sail iddi hefyd.
Ddirprwy Lywydd, rydym wedi defnyddio pob lifer sydd ar gael i ni i adeiladu dyfodol tecach, gan gynnwys i blant yng Nghymru. Bron i 60 miliwn o brydau ysgol am ddim wedi'u cyflwyno, oherwydd ni ddylai unrhyw blentyn ei chael hi'n anodd dysgu am eu bod yn llwglyd. Ac rydym wedi ymrwymo i wella ein system addysg. Gadewch inni beidio ag anghofio ein bod wedi cyflawni'r rhaglen adeiladu ysgolion fwyaf yn y DU ers y 1960au. Ac mae'r ystadegau diweddaraf ar gyrhaeddiad mewn darllen a rhifedd yn dangos cynnydd. Mae gennym fwy i'w wneud, ond roedd cyrhaeddiad yn uwch ar gyfer pob grŵp blwyddyn mewn darllen Saesneg o'i gymharu â 2022-23. Rydym yn gwybod bod mwy i'w wneud. Rydym yn benderfynol o ddal i fynd, oherwydd dylai pob person ifanc gael y cyfle hwnnw. Mae Llafur Cymru mewn grym wedi darparu'r cynnig cymorth mwyaf blaengar a hael i fyfyrwyr yn y DU, sy'n golygu nad incwm aelwydydd sy'n penderfynu i ble rydych chi'n mynd i'r brifysgol. Nawr, mae rhai pleidiau eraill eisiau newid hyn, i greu system ddwy haen lle byddai incwm eich teulu yn cyfyngu ar eich uchelgais. Ni fuaswn i'n bersonol yn galw hynny'n 'flaengar' mewn unrhyw ffordd.
Nawr, Ddirprwy Lywydd, rydym bob amser wedi dadlau bod gennym fwy i'w wneud. Nid oes unrhyw Lywodraeth yn berffaith. Ond Ddirprwy Lywydd, rydym yn falch o gyflawniadau Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru i bobl Cymru. Nid oedd y rhain byth yn anochel. Dyma ganlyniadau dewisiadau gwleidyddol difrifol. Ac nid yw'r gwaith ar ben. Mae pobl yng Nghymru yn dal i wynebu heriau dyddiol, ac mae llawer mwy i ni ei wneud. Ac rydym yn edrych ymlaen at bennod newydd ac at adeiladu dyfodol tecach. Ar ôl mwy na degawd o amddiffyn Cymru rhag anhrefn a thoriadau Torïaidd, gallwn droi'r dudalen nawr, gallwn fynd ymhellach. Gallwn greu twf newydd a chyfleoedd newydd yma yng Nghymru.
Ers i Eluned Morgan ddod yn Brif Weinidog, cyhoeddwyd £16 biliwn o gyllid busnes yn dilyn uwchgynhadledd fuddsoddi Cymru—£16 biliwn. Ardal twf deallusrwydd artiffisial yn ne Cymru, pwerdy ynni glân yn y gogledd, ymgyrch i gynhyrchu ynni adnewyddadwy, gan adeiladu ar y sylfeini yr ydym eisoes wedi'u gosod i greu swyddi a phrentisiaethau ym mhob rhan o Gymru. [Torri ar draws.] Rwyf wedi derbyn un neu ddau o ymyriadau—
I'm giving you the time for those interventions.
Rwy'n rhoi amser i chi ar gyfer yr ymyriadau hynny.
Indeed. We have the largest budget in the history of devolution, meaning a massive boost of funding to tackle waiting lists, to give our NHS a pay rise, to pay for new treatments and invest in life-saving research.
And we've already transformed rail travel, brought buses back into public hands. We will go further, with a £2 fare cap on single bus journeys and 100 new bus routes—
Yn wir. Mae gennym y gyllideb fwyaf yn hanes datganoli, sy'n golygu hwb enfawr o gyllid i fynd i'r afael â rhestrau aros, i roi codiad cyflog i'n GIG, i dalu am driniaethau newydd a buddsoddi mewn ymchwil sy'n achub bywydau.
Ac rydym eisoes wedi trawsnewid teithio ar y trenau, wedi dod â bysiau'n ôl i ddwylo cyhoeddus. Byddwn yn mynd ymhellach, gyda chap prisiau o £2 ar deithiau bws sengl a 100 o lwybrau bws newydd—
And you've had that time.
Ac rydych chi wedi cael yr amser hwnnw.
So, finally, Dirprwy Lywydd, this Senedd term, and previous terms, we protected Wales from Tory cuts and chaos, and we laid the foundations for the future. Now Wales is ready not just for an election, but for the next chapter of Labour leadership, standing for and with the people of Wales.
Felly, yn olaf, Ddirprwy Lywydd, yn nhymor y Senedd hon, a'r tymhorau blaenorol, fe wnaethom ddiogelu Cymru rhag toriadau Torïaidd ac anhrefn, ac fe wnaethom osod y sylfeini ar gyfer y dyfodol. Nawr mae Cymru'n barod nid yn unig ar gyfer etholiad, ond ar gyfer y bennod nesaf o arweinyddiaeth Lafur, sy'n sefyll dros a chyda phobl Cymru.
A galwaf ar Rhun ap Iorwerth i ymateb i'r ddadl.
I call on Rhun ap Iorwerth to reply to the debate.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd, a diolch i bawb sydd wedi cymryd rhan yn y ddadl heddiw.
Mi wnaf i ddechrau, dwi'n meddwl, drwy fyfyrio eto ar y cynnig mae Plaid Cymru wedi'i gyflwyno y prynhawn yma, gan ei fod o'n gosod allan y dewis fydd yn wynebu pobl Cymru mewn llai na phedwar mis. Ar yr un llaw, mae gennym ni restr yma sydd yn crisialu record y Llywodraeth bresennol—y gwasanaeth iechyd ar ei liniau, system addysg sy'n methu ein pobl ifanc ni, economi yn tanberfformio, a'r berthynas unochrog yna efo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig sy’n caniatáu iddyn nhw danseilio datganoli ar bob cyfle.
Ar y llaw arall, beth sydd gennym ni yma ydy cynnig, neu flas o gynigion uchelgeisiol Plaid Cymru i bobl Cymru, polisïau arloesol yn barod i’w rhoi ar waith—y cynnig gofal plant, fel clywon ni, fwyaf hael yn y Deyrnas Unedig, yn newid bywydau a newid cyfleon i deuluoedd; cynllun rhestrau aros i daclo backlog y gwasanaeth iechyd; asiantaeth ddatblygu newydd i dyfu busnesau Cymreig; cynllun llythrennedd a rhifedd sylfaenol i godi safonau addysg; a Bil Cymru newydd i sicrhau cydraddoldeb efo’r Alban a dechrau datgloi potensial ein cenedl.
Rŵan, rydyn ni i gyd yn ei weld o, ar lawr gwlad—
Thank you, Dirprwy Lywydd, and let me thank everyone who has taken part in the debate today.
I'll start by reflecting again on the motion that Plaid Cymru has brought forward this afternoon, because it does set out the choice that will face the people of Wales in less than four months. On the one hand, we have a list here that crystallises the record of the current Government—the NHS on its knees, an education system that is failing our young people, an economy underperforming, and that very one-sided relationship with the UK Government that allows them to undermine devolution at every opportunity.
On the other hand, what we have here is an offer, or a taste of Plaid Cymru's ambitious offer to the people of Wales, innovative policies ready to be put in place—a childcare offer, as we heard, which is the most generous one in the UK, changing lives, giving families opportunities; a waiting list plan to tackle the NHS backlog; a development agency to develop businesses in Wales; a fundamental literacy and numeracy plan to raise education standards; and a new Bill to ensure parity of devolution with Scotland and to start unlocking the potential of our nation.
Now, we all see it, on the ground—
Will you take an intervention?
A wnewch chi dderbyn ymyriad?
Cyn i mi gario ymlaen, ie.
Before I carry on, yes.
When do you think you'll be able to introduce the childcare plan, because it would be welcome, but we have to build the workforce first, and the facilities? So, when do you think that might happen?
Pryd y credwch y gallwch chi gyflwyno'r cynllun gofal plant, oherwydd byddai croeso iddo, ond mae'n rhaid inni adeiladu'r gweithlu yn gyntaf, a'r cyfleusterau? Felly, pryd y credwch chi y gallai hynny ddigwydd?
The beginning of that work begins in our 100-day plan. It begins immediately.
Mae dechrau'r gwaith hwnnw'n dechrau yn ein cynllun 100 diwrnod. Mae'n dechrau ar unwaith.
Rydyn ni'n gweld, onid ydyn ni, ar garreg y drws—bob un ohonom ni, feiddiaf i ddweud, o ba bynnag blaid—rydyn ni'n ei weld o mewn arolygon barn: mae mwy a mwy o bobl yn troi at weledigaeth Plaid Cymru er mwyn sicrhau'r arweinyddiaeth newydd y mae Cymru ei hangen. Rydyn ni i gyd yn gweld bod pobl eisiau newid. Dyna'r neges glir gan bobl Cymru. Ond fyddech chi ddim yn credu hynny wrth ddarllen gwelliant y Llywodraeth heddiw nac wrth glywed cyfraniadau Aelodau Llafur.
We see, don't we, on the doorstep—all of us, dare I say, from whichever party—we see it in opinion polls: more and more people are turning to Plaid Cymru's vision to secure the new leadership that Wales needs. We all see that people want change. That's the clear message from the people of Wales. But you wouldn't believe that on reading the Government's amendment today or on hearing the contributions from Labour Members.
Labour's amendment this afternoon, I think, and so many contributions from Labour Members epitomise why this Government's time must come to an end: a failure to admit mistakes, a failure to recognise people's frustrations and a complete failure to offer any hope that they're the party with the ideas to turn Wales's fortunes around. And the Deputy First Minister accusing Plaid Cymru of doomscrolling—what's doomscrolling about offering families a future through a new childcare plan? What's doomscrolling about offering opportunities for new jobs and better wages through a development agency for Wales? What's doomscrolling about that? And it must be the case that the Deputy First Minister didn't get the internal Labour Party memo. That internal Labour Party memo—
Rwy'n credu bod gwelliant Llafur y prynhawn yma, a chymaint o gyfraniadau gan Aelodau Llafur yn crynhoi pam y mae'n rhaid i amser y Llywodraeth hon ddod i ben: methiant i gyfaddef camgymeriadau, methiant i gydnabod rhwystredigaethau pobl a methiant llwyr i gynnig unrhyw obaith mai nhw yw'r blaid sydd â'r syniadau i newid ffawd Cymru. Ac mae i'r Dirprwy Brif Weinidog gyhuddo Plaid Cymru o waesgrolio—beth sy'n waesgrolio ynglŷn â chynnig dyfodol i deuluoedd trwy gynllun gofal plant newydd? Beth sy'n waesgrolio ynglŷn â chynnig cyfleoedd ar gyfer swyddi newydd a chyflogau gwell drwy awdurdod datblygu i Gymru? Beth sy'n waesgrolio am hynny? A rhaid na chafodd y Dirprwy Brif Weinidog femo mewnol y Blaid Lafur. Mae'r memo mewnol hwnnw gan y Blaid Lafur—
Would you like to take an intervention?
A fyddech chi'n hoffi derbyn ymyriad?
—said very, very clearly that Plaid Cymru is now the party that represents hope for Wales.
—yn dweud yn glir iawn mai Plaid Cymru bellach yw'r blaid sy'n cynrychioli gobaith i Gymru.
Are you taking my intervention, or have you—?
A ydych chi'n derbyn fy ymyriad, neu a ydych chi—?
Yes.
Ydw.
You do exactly what you've just said you don't do. And what you've failed to do—there are two things you've failed to do—is that you've costed none of your wish list—none of it, none of it—and you've failed to recognise absolutely the advantage of having a two Labour Governments. There's been a big announcement today about Welsh windfarms winning funding, with an expected 7,000 job bonus. You've failed to mention that the UK Labour Government gave Wales the biggest ever devolution settlement of all time. You've failed to mention any investment whatsoever that's come from—
Rydych chi'n gwneud yn union yr hyn rydych chi newydd ddweud nad ydych chi'n ei wneud. A'r hyn rydych chi wedi methu ei wneud—mae dau beth rydych chi wedi methu eu gwneud—yw costio eich rhestr ddymuniadau—dim ohono, dim ohono—ac rydych chi wedi methu'n llwyr â cydnabod y fantais o gael dwy Lywodraeth Lafur. Mae cyhoeddiad mawr wedi'i wneud heddiw am ffermydd gwynt Cymru yn ennill cyllid, gyda bonws disgwyliedig o 7,000 o swyddi. Rydych chi wedi methu sôn bod Llywodraeth Lafur y DU wedi rhoi'r setliad datganoli mwyaf erioed i Gymru. Rydych chi wedi methu sôn am unrhyw fuddsoddiad o gwbl sydd wedi dod gan—
Joyce, it's an intervention.
Ymyriad yw hwn, Joyce.
I think it's only fair that you recognise those things, so I ask you to do it when you wind up.
Rwy'n credu ei bod ond yn deg eich bod chi'n cydnabod y pethau hynny, felly gofynnaf i chi wneud hynny pan fyddwch chi'n dirwyn i ben.
I'd suggest that the Member puts her name down to speak in a debate if she has so many points to make. This is all costed—that's the whole point. This is a Government-in-waiting ready to go.
And I despair—[Interruption.]—I despair if the Member believes that the evidence shows that, since July 2024, the partnership in power between Labour in Cardiff and Labour in London is delivering for Wales. All the evidence points to the contrary, and that is why people's faith in Labour has been undermined to such an extent.
I've nothing, really, to say about the contribution of the Reform Member because Reform and she have nothing to say for Wales at all. I will turn to the party becoming more and more their little helpers, propping up Reform—more and more you can't see the line between them and the Conservatives. In reflecting on their contributions and, indeed—[Interruption.] I'll make progress—Mike Hedges from Labour too, I'll address them both together because they were, essentially, the same views from the Labour and Conservative benches: the lack of belief in our nation, in what Wales can be, and their willingness to keep the communities that they represent in poverty, to starve them of aspiration come what may, is something that means they deserve to be walloped at the ballot box in the election on 7 May, because Wales deserves better than that.
A vote for Plaid Cymru's motion today is a vote to back what more and more people in Wales suggest they want right now. The people of Wales want a Government that will be unrelenting in realising Wales's enormous potential, a Government for whom ambition isn't something to be feared or something to be overlooked but to be embraced at every turn, with the ideas to turn Wales around and with the energy to deliver, and a Government that never, under any circumstances, has to defer to party bosses in London at the expense of standing up for our nation and for the people of Wales. And as today's motion demonstrates, it is only Plaid Cymru now, clearly, that stands ready to translate hope into real outcomes, and I encourage you all to support the motion before us.
Buaswn yn awgrymu bod yr Aelod yn rhoi ei henw i lawr i siarad mewn dadl os oes ganddi gymaint o bwyntiau i'w gwneud. Mae hyn i gyd wedi'i gostio—dyna'r holl bwynt. Mae hon yn Llywodraeth sy'n barod i fynd.
Ac rwy'n anobeithio—[Torri ar draws.]—rwy'n anobeithio os yw'r Aelod yn credu bod y dystiolaeth yn dangos, ers mis Gorffennaf 2024, fod y bartneriaeth mewn grym rhwng Llafur yng Nghaerdydd a Llafur yn Llundain yn cyflawni i Gymru. Mae'r holl dystiolaeth yn dangos i'r gwrthwyneb, a dyna pam y mae ffydd pobl yn Llafur wedi cael ei danseilio i'r fath raddau.
Nid oes gennyf ddim i'w ddweud am gyfraniad yr Aelod Reform oherwydd nad oes gan Reform na hithau ddim i'w ddweud dros Gymru o gwbl. Fe wnaf droi at y blaid sy'n dod fwyfwy'n gynorthwywyr bach iddynt, sy'n cynnal Reform—fwy a mwy ni allwch weld y llinell rhyngddynt a'r Ceidwadwyr. Wrth fyfyrio ar eu cyfraniadau ac yn wir—[Torri ar draws.] Fe wnaf gynnydd—Mike Hedges o Lafur hefyd, fe wnaf sôn amdanynt gyda'i gilydd am mai'r un safbwyntiau a gafwyd yn y bôn oddi ar y meinciau Llafur a'r Ceidwadwyr: mae'r diffyg ffydd yn ein cenedl, yn yr hyn y gall Cymru fod, a'u parodrwydd i gadw'r cymunedau y maent yn eu cynrychioli mewn tlodi, i'w llwgu o ddyhead doed a ddêl, yn rhywbeth y maent yn haeddu celpen amdano yn y blwch pleidleisio yn yr etholiad ar 7 Mai, oherwydd mae Cymru'n haeddu gwell na hynny.
Mae pleidlais dros gynnig Plaid Cymru heddiw yn bleidlais i gefnogi'r hyn y mae mwy a mwy o bobl yng Nghymru yn awgrymu eu bod ei eisiau nawr. Mae pobl Cymru eisiau Llywodraeth a fydd yn mynd ati'n ddi-ildio i wireddu potensial enfawr Cymru, Llywodraeth nad yw'n ystyried uchelgais yn rhywbeth i'w ofni na'i anwybyddu ond yn hytrach yn rhywbeth i'w gofleidio bob amser, gyda'r syniadau i newid Cymru a'r egni i gyflawni hynny, a Llywodraeth nad yw byth, mewn unrhyw amgylchiadau, yn gorfod ildio i benaethiaid y blaid yn Llundain ar draul sefyll dros ein cenedl a thros bobl Cymru. Ac fel y dengys y cynnig heddiw, mae'n amlwg mai dim ond Plaid Cymru sy'n barod i drosi gobaith yn ganlyniadau go iawn, ac rwy'n eich annog chi i gyd i gefnogi'r cynnig sydd ger ein bron.
Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio? A oes unrhyw Aelod yn gwrthwynebu? [Gwrthwynebiad.] Oes. Felly, gohiriaf y bleidlais o dan yr eitem hon tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
The proposal is to agree the motion without amendment. Does any Member object? [Objection.] There are objections. I will therefore defer voting under this item until voting time.
Gohiriwyd y pleidleisio tan y cyfnod pleidleisio.
Voting deferred until voting time.
Before we do go to voting, the leader of the Conservative group in the Senedd raised a point of order. I have reviewed the record, and I want to make this following point, that when speaking in the Chamber, all Members must be conscious of referencing or being interpreted to reference another Member's age at any point in time. Such contributions could be interpreted as a criticism of a Member purely due to his or her age, even at another period in time. Therefore, I would ask the leader of Plaid Cymru, at the time, to reflect on his opening contribution in relation to that point.
Cyn inni droi at y pleidleisio, cododd arweinydd y grŵp Ceidwadol yn y Senedd bwynt o drefn. Rwyf wedi adolygu'r cofnod, ac rwyf am wneud y pwynt hwn, fod rhaid i bob Aelod wrth siarad yn y Siambr fod yn ymwybodol o gyfeirio neu gael eu dehongli fel pe baent yn cyfeirio at oedran Aelod arall ar unrhyw adeg mewn amser. Gellid dehongli cyfraniadau o'r fath fel beirniadaeth o Aelod oherwydd eu hoedran yn unig, hyd yn oed ar gyfnod arall mewn amser. Felly, hoffwn ofyn i arweinydd Plaid Cymru ystyried ei gyfraniad agoriadol mewn perthynas â'r pwynt hwnnw.
I will respond in saying that I was referring to how long ago it was, not to his age.
Fe wnaf ymateb drwy ddweud fy mod yn cyfeirio at ba mor hir yn ôl oedd hynny, nid at ei oedran.
I appreciate that. [Interruption.] I appreciate that, but, as I said, how it could be interpreted is important as well.
Rwy'n sylweddoli hynny. [Torri ar draws.] Rwy'n sylweddoli hynny, ond fel y dywedais, mae sut y gellid ei ddehongli yn bwysig hefyd.
Dyma ni'n cyrraedd y cyfnod pleidleisio. Oni bai bod tri Aelod yn dymuno i mi ganu'r gloch, symudaf yn syth i'r cyfnod pleidleisio.
That brings us to voting time. Unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung, I will move directly to voting time.
Mae'r bleidlais gyntaf heno ar eitem 7, dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig. Galwaf am bleidlais ar y cynnig, yn enw Paul Davies. Os gwrthodir y cynnig, byddwn yn pleidleisio ar y gwelliant a gyflwynwyd i'r cynnig. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 12, neb yn ymatal, 39 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi ei wrthod.
The first vote this evening is on item 7, the Welsh Conservatives' debate. I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Paul Davies. If the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendment tabled to the motion. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 12, no abstentions, 39 against. Therefore, the motion is not agreed.
Eitem 7: Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig—Treth Trafodiadau Tir. Cynnig heb ei ddiwygio. : O blaid: 12, Yn erbyn: 39, Ymatal: 0
Gwrthodwyd y cynnig
Item 7: Welsh Conservatives' Debate—Land Transaction Tax. Motion without amendment. : For: 12, Against: 39, Abstain: 0
Motion has been rejected
Galwaf nawr am bleidlais ar welliant 1, yn enw Heledd Fychan. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 13, neb yn ymatal, 38 yn erbyn. Felly, mae gwelliant 1 wedi ei wrthod.
I now call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 13, no abstentions, 38 against. Therefore, amendment 1 is not agreed.
Eitem 7: Dadl y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig—Treth Trafodiadau Tir. Gwelliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Heledd Fychan: O blaid: 13, Yn erbyn: 38, Ymatal: 0
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
Item 7: Welsh Conservatives' Debate—Land Transaction Tax. Amendment 1, tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan: For: 13, Against: 38, Abstain: 0
Amendment has been rejected
Gan nad yw'r Senedd wedi derbyn y cynnig heb ei ddiwygio, nac wedi derbyn y gwelliant a gyflwynwyd i'r cynnig, caiff y cynnig, felly, ei wrthod.
Mae'r bleidlais nesaf ar eitem 8, dadl Plaid Cymru ar etholiad y Senedd. Galwaf am bleidlais ar y cynnig, yn enw Heledd Fychan. Os gwrthodir y cynnig, byddwn yn pleidleisio ar y gwelliannau a gyflwynwyd i'r cynnig. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 13, neb yn ymatal, 38 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi ei wrthod.
As the Senedd has not agreed the motion without amendment, nor has it agreed the amendment tabled to the motion, the motion is therefore not agreed.
The next vote is on item 8, the Plaid Cymru debate on the Senedd election. I call for a vote on the motion, tabled in the name of Heledd Fychan. If the proposal is not agreed, we will vote on the amendments tabled to the motion. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 13, no abstentions, 38 against. Therefore, the motion is not agreed.
Eitem 8: Dadl Plaid Cymru—Etholiad y Senedd. Cynnig heb ei ddiwygio. : O blaid: 13, Yn erbyn: 38, Ymatal: 0
Gwrthodwyd y cynnig
Item 8: Plaid Cymru Debate—The Senedd election. Motion without amendment.: For: 13, Against: 38, Abstain: 0
Motion has been rejected
Galwaf am bleidlais ar welliant 1, yn enw Paul Davies. Os derbynnir gwelliant 1, bydd gwelliant 2 yn cael ei ddad-ddethol. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 12, un yn ymatal, 38 yn erbyn. Felly, mae gwelliant 1 wedi ei wrthod.
I call for a vote on amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies. If amendment 1 is agreed, amendment 2 will be deselected. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 12, one abstention, 38 against. Therefore, amendment 1 is not agreed.
Eitem 8: Dadl Plaid Cymru—Etholiad y Senedd. Gwelliant 1, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Paul Davies: O blaid: 12, Yn erbyn: 38, Ymatal: 1
Gwrthodwyd y gwelliant
Item 8: Plaid Cymru Debate—The Senedd election. Amendment 1, tabled in the name of Paul Davies: For: 12, Against: 38, Abstain: 1
Amendment has been rejected
Galwaf nawr am bleidlais ar welliant 2, yn enw Jane Hutt. Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 26, neb yn ymatal, 25 yn erbyn. Felly, mae gwelliant 2 wedi ei dderbyn.
I now call for a vote on amendment 2, tabled in the name of Jane Hutt. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 26, no abstentions, 25 against. Therefore, amendment 2 is agreed.
Eitem 8: Dadl Plaid Cymru—Etholiad y Senedd. Gwelliant 2, a gyflwynwyd yn enw Jane Hutt: O blaid: 26, Yn erbyn: 25, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant
Item 8: Plaid Cymru Debate—The Senedd election. Amendment 2, tabled in the name of Jane Hutt: For: 26, Against: 25, Abstain: 0
Amendment has been agreed
Galwaf nawr am bleidlais ar y cynnig wedi ei ddiwygio.
I now call for a vote on the motion as amended.
Cynnig NDM9102 fel y'i diwygiwyd:
Cynnig bod y Senedd:
1. Yn nodi etholiad y Senedd sydd i’w gynnal ar 7 Mai 2026.
2. Yn cydnabod bod polisïau Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru dros dymor y Senedd hon wedi arwain at:
a) 18,652 o gartrefi ychwanegol yn cael eu darparu i’w rhentu yn y sector cymdeithasol;
b) 46,000 o swyddi yn cael eu cefnogi;
c) bron i 60 miliwn o brydau ysgol am ddim yn cael eu gweini i blant oed cynradd a gwelliannau diweddar mewn cyrhaeddiad addysgol;
d) y cynnig cymorth mwyaf blaengar a hael i fyfyrwyr yn y DU, sy'n golygu nad yw incwm aelwydydd yn penderfynu i ba brifysgol y bydd myfyrwyr yn mynd;
e) amseroedd aros hir ar gyfer triniaeth a phrofion yn gostwng a'r GIG ar y trywydd iawn i ddarparu 20,000 o lawdriniaethau cataract ychwanegol eleni;
f) coedwig Genedlaethol yn cael ei phlannu a chamau yn cael eu cymryd i ddiogelu cymunedau rhag gwaddol mwyngloddio; a
g) mwy na £1 biliwn yn cael ei fuddsoddi i drawsnewid llinellau craidd y Cymoedd yn system metro fodern.
3. Yn credu bod Cymru yn barod ar gyfer cyfnod newydd o fuddsoddiad o dan Lafur, yn dilyn mwy na degawd o lymder Torïaidd.
Motion NDM9102 as amended:
To propose that the Senedd:
1. Notes the upcoming Senedd election on 7 May 2026.
2. Recognises the policies of the Welsh Labour Government over this Senedd term have led to:
a) 18,652 additional homes for rent in the social sector being delivered;
b) 46,000 jobs supported;
c) almost 60 million free school meals for primary school children being served and recent improvements in educational attainment;
d) the most progressive and generous student support offer in the UK, meaning household income does not decide where you go to university;
e) long waiting times for treatment and tests falling and the NHS being on course to provide an extra 20,000 cataract operations this year;
f) a National Forest being planted and action to safeguard communities from the legacy of coalmining being taken; and
g) more than £1 billion being invested to transform the core Valleys Lines into a modern metro system.
3. Believes that Wales is ready for a new era of investment under Labour following more than a decade of Tory austerity.
Agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 26, neb yn ymatal, 25 yn erbyn. Felly, mae'r cynnig wedi ei ddiwygio wedi ei dderbyn.
Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 26, no abstentions, 25 against. Therefore, the motion as amended is agreed.
Eitem 8: Dadl Plaid Cymru—Etholiad y Senedd. Cynnig wedi’i ddiwygio: O blaid: 26, Yn erbyn: 25, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y cynnig fel y'i diwygiwyd
Item 8: Plaid Cymru Debate—The Senedd election. Motion as amended: For: 26, Against: 25, Abstain: 0
Motion as amended has been agreed
I see Members leaving. Please remember this doesn't end the business today. There will be a Stage 3 and Stage 4 process later.
Rwy'n gweld bod Aelodau'n gadael. Cofiwch nad yw hyn yn golygu bod y busnes ar ben am heddiw. Bydd yna broses Cyfnod 3 a Chyfnod 4 yn ddiweddarach.
Yr eitem nesaf ar yr agenda yw'r ddadl fer. Galwaf ar Adam Price i siarad.
The next item on the agenda is the short debate. I call on Adam Price to speak.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. In Wales today, a child can be held criminally responsible from the age of 10. A child still in primary school can be arrested, questioned under caution, prosecuted, convicted and marked, sometimes for years, by an encounter with the criminal courts. I believe we should raise the age of criminal responsibility to 14. That's not to be soft on crime, as some would see it, it's to be smart on crime, clear-eyed, with a hard-headed focus on what the evidence tells us. Because the most serious duty of any justice system is public protection, and public protection is not served by policies that feel tough but increase the chances of harm repeating later. If we want fewer victims next year and the year after that, we have to ask a practical question: what actually reduces reoffending among children? The evidence is all in one direction: criminalising 10, 11, 12 and 13-year-olds is to create a conveyor belt of future crime, pulling children deeper into the system, widening the net, turning one incident into the beginning of a longer offending career.
Children are different to adults—most people understand that instinctively—and in any other policy area it is clearly recognised. Children are still developing, they're more impulsive, more easily led, more likely to take risks for status or belonging, less able to think through what comes next. None of that excuses wrongdoing, but it should change how we think about responsibility and about what works. The age of criminal responsibility is not just a number, it's a line that determines whether we treat a child primarily as a child who needs help or as an offender to be processed.
We haven't always been as crude about this as we are now. For a long time, the law recognised that children between 10 and 13 shouldn't automatically be treated as fully responsible. There was a safeguard—doli incapax; you had to prove additional understanding by the child before the criminal law could be invoked. That safeguard was swept away in the late 1990s; nothing better replaced it. So, now we have the worst of both worlds—a very low threshold with none of the old protections, and a system that then tries, sometimes heroically, to soften the effects through diversion. That's not coherent and it's not fair.
Wales has in many ways been moving in a better direction, through the youth justice blueprint. We've built a more prevention-led approach to youth justice, focused on diversion, on early help, on working across agencies, on addressing what drives harm. That shift has helped keep children out of deeper trouble. It's the right instinct: step in early but do it in ways that change behaviour rather than just punishing. But as long as the legal age for criminal responsibility stays at 10, that low age creates a constant pull towards court, when what a child actually needs is something else: protection, support, supervision, help with mental health, and, where necessary, secure care.
Some people say we need a low age of criminal responsibility so we can intervene early. That sounds reasonable until you think about it. Early intervention doesn't require early criminalisation. Most of what actually prevents reoffending in children has nothing to do with courts—it's school, family stability, mental health support, tackling substance misuse, dealing with trauma, protecting children from exploitation. None of that depends on branding a 10-year-old a criminal.
Diolch, Ddirprwy Lywydd. Yng Nghymru heddiw, gellir dwyn plentyn i gyfrif am drosedd o'r adeg y bydd yn 10 oed. Gall plentyn sy'n dal yn yr ysgol gynradd gael ei arestio, ei holi dan rybuddiad, ei erlyn, ei euogfarnu a'i farcio, am flynyddoedd weithiau, gan gysylltiad â'r llysoedd troseddol. Rwy'n credu y dylem godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 14. Nid ymateb meddal i droseddu yw hynny, fel y byddai rhai'n ei weld, ond ymateb clyfar i droseddu, ymateb clir, gyda ffocws cadarn ar yr hyn y mae'r dystiolaeth yn ei ddweud wrthym. Oherwydd dyletswydd fwyaf difrifol unrhyw system gyfiawnder yw diogelu'r cyhoedd, ac ni chaiff y cyhoedd eu diogelu gan bolisïau sy'n teimlo'n llym ond sy'n cynyddu'r perygl y bydd y niwed yn ailadrodd yn nes ymlaen. Os ydym eisiau llai o ddioddefwyr y flwyddyn nesaf a'r flwyddyn wedyn, rhaid inni ofyn cwestiwn ymarferol: beth sy'n lleihau aildroseddu ymhlith plant? Mae'r dystiolaeth i gyd yn mynd i un cyfeiriad: mae troseddoli pobl ifanc 10, 11, 12 a 13 oed yn creu llif o droseddu yn y dyfodol, gan dynnu plant yn ddyfnach i mewn i'r system, gan ehangu'r rhwyd, a throi un digwyddiad yn ddechrau gyrfa hirach o droseddu.
Mae plant yn wahanol i oedolion—mae'r rhan fwyaf o bobl yn deall hynny'n reddfol—ac mewn unrhyw faes polisi arall fe gaiff ei gydnabod yn glir. Mae plant yn dal i ddatblygu, maent yn fwy mympwyol, yn haws eu harwain ar gyfeiliorn ac yn fwy tebygol o gymryd risgiau er mwyn ennill statws neu i deimlo eu bod yn perthyn, yn llai abl i feddwl am yr hyn sy'n dod nesaf. Nid oes dim o hynny'n esgusodi camwedd, ond dylai newid y ffordd y meddyliwn am gyfrifoldeb ac am yr hyn sy'n gweithio. Nid ffigur yn unig yw oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol, mae'n llinell sy'n penderfynu a ydym yn trin plentyn yn bennaf fel plentyn sydd angen help neu fel troseddwr i'w brosesu.
Nid ydym bob amser wedi bod mor anfanwl ynglŷn â hyn ag yr ydym nawr. Am amser hir, roedd y gyfraith yn cydnabod na ddylai plant rhwng 10 a 13 oed gael eu trin yn awtomatig fel rhai cwbl gyfrifol. Roedd yna ddiogelwch—doli incapax; roedd yn rhaid i chi brofi dealltwriaeth ychwanegol gan y plentyn cyn y gellid apelio at gyfraith droseddol. Cafodd y diogelwch hwnnw ei ddileu ar ddiwedd y 1990au; ac ni chafwyd unrhyw beth gwell yn ei le. Felly, nawr mae gennym y gwaethaf o ddau fyd—trothwy isel iawn heb unrhyw rai o'r hen amddiffyniadau, a system sydd wedyn yn ceisio, weithiau'n arwrol, i feddalu'r effeithiau trwy ddargyfeirio. Nid yw hynny'n gydlynol ac nid yw'n deg.
Mae Cymru mewn sawl ffordd wedi bod yn symud i gyfeiriad gwell, drwy'r glasbrint cyfiawnder ieuenctid. Rydym wedi adeiladu dull mwy ataliol o weithredu cyfiawnder ieuenctid, sy'n canolbwyntio ar ddargyfeirio, ar gymorth cynnar, ar weithio ar draws asiantaethau, ar fynd i'r afael â'r hyn sy'n ysgogi niwed. Mae'r newid hwnnw wedi helpu i gadw plant allan o drafferthion dyfnach. Dyma'r reddf gywir: camwch i mewn yn gynnar ond gwnewch hynny mewn ffyrdd sy'n newid ymddygiad yn hytrach na dim ond cosbi. Ond cyn belled â bod yr oedran cyfreithiol ar gyfer cyfrifoldeb troseddol yn dal i fod yn 10 oed, mae'r oedran isel hwnnw'n creu tynfa gyson tuag at y llys, er mai'r hyn sydd ei angen ar blentyn mewn gwirionedd yw rhywbeth arall: amddiffyniad, cefnogaeth, goruchwyliaeth, help gydag iechyd meddwl, a lle bo angen, gofal diogel.
Mae rhai pobl yn dweud bod angen oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol isel fel y gallwn ymyrryd yn gynnar. Mae hynny'n swnio'n rhesymol nes i chi feddwl am y peth. Nid yw ymyrraeth gynnar yn galw am droseddu cynnar. Nid oes gan y rhan fwyaf o'r hyn sy'n atal aildroseddu mewn plant unrhyw beth i'w wneud â llysoedd—mae'n ymwneud â'r ysgol, sefydlogrwydd teuluol, cymorth iechyd meddwl, mynd i'r afael â chamddefnyddio sylweddau, delio â thrawma, diogelu plant rhag cael eu hecsbloetio. Nid oes dim o hynny'n dibynnu ar frandio plentyn 10 oed yn droseddwr.
Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.
The Llywydd took the Chair.
There's something else that gets missed in public debate. Many children who come into contact with the justice system have speech, language and communication difficulties, often unidentified, often unsupported. Think about what that means. It affects whether a child understands the police caution, whether they can tell their story clearly, whether they can follow what's happening in court, take instructions, understand consequences, or engage with anything designed to change their behaviour. So, it's not just about whether a child knew it was wrong, it's about whether they can take part meaningfully in a process that can label them, punish them and shape their future. If we care about justice, we should care about that.
This is not an argument for doing nothing, it's an argument for doing the right thing. And I want to deal directly with the hardest question: what about serious offences? What about victims? What about public confidence? Victims deserve recognition, support and truth. Communities deserve safety. Children who cause harm must face consequences. But raising the age of criminal responsibility doesn't mean harm is ignored, it means that for under 14-year-olds, the first response isn't criminal law. It's an age-appropriate system that can still be firm, can still be swift and still protect the public through intensive supervision, structured programmes, restorative work where it fits, and secure placements when risk demands it. And sometimes, the most serious harm by children is tangled up with exploitation. Children can be groomed into offending, coerced, threatened, controlled by older criminals. When that happens, a purely punitive response misses the point. It treats the exploited child as the problem rather than as a child in danger. Seeing it through a child protection lens isn't weakness, it's accuracy.
There's a practical argument too. A very low age of criminal responsibility brings a risk that rarely makes headlines—net widening, as it's called. If you criminalise younger children, you pull more of them into formal processing for behaviour that might otherwise be dealt with informally, restoratively or through support. Once a child has a record, they get treated differently by schools, by professionals, sometimes by themselves. Minor behaviour starts to look like a pattern. The label 'persistent' gets attached. The system starts responding to the record rather than to the child. And what began as a single incident becomes the first step on an escalator. That's not speculation. It's well understood. The earlier you criminalise, the greater the risk you entrench.
Internationally, the direction is clear. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child says the minimum age should be at least 14. That's the standard Wales should aim for. Within Britain, the same movement is under way. Scotland has already moved beyond England and Wales's position by raising the age of criminal responsibility to 12, and Ministers there are now considering a recommendation from an advisory group to raise the age to 14. At Westminster, the momentum is growing with an amendment to the Crime and Policing and Bill at the moment to raise the criminal age of responsibility to 14, supported by eminent former judges such as Baroness Hale and Baroness Butler-Sloss.
But where does that leave Wales? The Thomas commission was clear. Ten is too young, it said. It recommended raising the age at that point to at least 12, which was in line with the UN's recommendation at the time. It argued for this alongside a more coherent settlement, of course, and the devolution of criminal justice in total. The case for 14 has strengthened further since that time, and I would be grateful if the Minister could set out the Welsh position, first of all, in relation to the principle of that recommendation of the Thomas commission. Does the Welsh Government support the proposal to raise the age of criminal responsibility in Wales, and do you now accept that that should be at 14, in line with UN guidance?
There's a wider point here that is practical and constitutional. If youth justice is devolved but the age of criminal responsibility is left sitting elsewhere, we create a lopsided settlement. Wales will be expected to deliver prevention, diversion, child-centred services, but without control over the threshold that decides when children get treated as criminals. That's responsibility without power over the very thing that defines the system. If Wales is serious about a coherent approach, the age threshold isn't an optional extra, it's foundational.
We can't ignore that the UK Government has said repeatedly that it has no plans to change the age at England and Wales level, and one of the other points that I hope that the Minister will address is: well, what are they saying on the Thomas recommendation to devolve the power to Wales? I know that the Deputy First Minister has discussed the age of criminal responsibility with the UK Government. What have they said? Because at the moment, we are unclear about the question of devolution. If Westminster doesn't want to move, then Wales has an even greater responsibility to state its own view plainly, argue for change and build the strongest case, moral, practical, constitutional, for something better.
Llywydd, let me finish with the core point. Raising the age of criminal responsibility to 14, as I said, is not about being soft-headed or soft-hearted, it's about being effective, it's about public safety, it's about preventing the next victim by responding in a way that actually changes a child's path. It's about accepting what we've learned about how children develop, it's about recognising that many children in the system have unmet needs and that justice has to be fair as well as firm. It's about not widening the net and manufacturing persistent offenders through the way we've designed that very system. It's about taking seriously what's happening elsewhere in Britain and around the world and it's about a moral clarity most people share when they stop and think deeply about these matters. We shouldn't be giving children criminal records before they're teenagers when the evidence says doing so makes everyone less safe, not more. Wales should be clear, ambitious and led by the evidence, which is why we should commit to raising the age of criminal responsibility to 14.
Mae yna rywbeth arall sy'n cael ei golli mewn dadl gyhoeddus. Mae llawer o blant sy'n dod i gysylltiad â'r system gyfiawnder yn cael anawsterau lleferydd, iaith a chyfathrebu, sy'n aml heb eu nodi, yn aml heb eu cefnogi. Meddyliwch beth y mae hynny'n ei olygu. Mae'n effeithio ar allu plentyn i ddeall rhybuddiad yr heddlu, a allant ddweud eu stori'n glir, a allant ddilyn yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn y llys, cael cyfarwyddiadau, deall canlyniadau, neu ymgysylltu ag unrhyw beth sydd wedi'i gynllunio i newid eu hymddygiad. Felly, mae'n ymwneud â mwy na gallu plentyn i wybod bod rhywbeth yn anghywir, mae'n ymwneud â'i allu i gymryd rhan ystyrlon mewn proses a allai eu labelu, eu cosbi a siapio eu dyfodol. Os ydym yn malio am gyfiawnder, dylem falio am hynny.
Nid dadl dros wneud dim yw hon, mae'n ddadl dros wneud y peth iawn. Ac rwyf eisiau delio'n uniongyrchol â'r cwestiwn anoddaf: beth am droseddau difrifol? Beth am ddioddefwyr? Beth am hyder y cyhoedd? Mae dioddefwyr yn haeddu cydnabyddiaeth, cefnogaeth a'r gwirionedd. Mae cymunedau'n haeddu diogelwch. Rhaid i blant sy'n achosi niwed wynebu canlyniadau. Ond nid yw codi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol yn golygu bod niwed yn cael ei anwybyddu, mae'n golygu nad cyfraith droseddol yw'r ymateb cyntaf i rai dan 14 oed. Mae'n system sy'n addas i'r oedran a gall ddal i fod yn gadarn, gall ddal i fod yn gyflym a gall ddal i ddiogelu'r cyhoedd trwy oruchwyliaeth ddwys, rhaglenni strwythuredig, gwaith adferol lle mae'n gweddu, a lleoliadau diogel pan fydd risg yn galw am hynny. Ac weithiau, mae'r niwed mwyaf difrifol gan blant ynghlwm wrth ecsbloetio. Gall troseddwyr hŷn feithrin perthynas amhriodol â phlant i'w cymell i droseddu, neu eu gorfodi, eu bygwth, eu rheoli. Pan fydd hynny'n digwydd, mae ymateb drwy gosbi'n unig yn methu'r pwynt. Mae'n trin y plentyn sy'n cael ei ecsbloetio fel y broblem yn hytrach na fel plentyn mewn perygl. Nid gwendid yw ei weld trwy lens amddiffyn plant, dyna'r ffordd gywir o edrych arno.
Mae yna ddadl ymarferol hefyd. Mae oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol isel iawn yn creu risg sy'n anaml yn cyrraedd y penawdau—lledu'r rhwyd, fel y'i gelwir. Os ydych chi'n troseddoli plant iau, rydych chi'n tynnu mwy ohonynt i mewn i gamau prosesu ffurfiol am ymddygiad a allai fel arall gael ei drin yn anffurfiol, yn adferol neu drwy gymorth. Pan fydd cofnod troseddol gan blentyn, caiff ei drin yn wahanol gan ysgolion, gan weithwyr proffesiynol, ganddynt hwy eu hunain weithiau. Mae camymddwyn bach yn dechrau edrych fel patrwm. Caiff y label 'mynych' ei atodi. Mae'r system yn dechrau ymateb i'r cofnod yn hytrach nag i'r plentyn. Ac mae'r hyn a ddechreuodd fel un digwyddiad yn dod yn gam cyntaf ar risiau symudol. Nid dyfalu yw hynny. Mae'n cael ei ddeall yn dda. Po gynharaf y byddwch chi'n troseddoli, y mwyaf yw'r risg eich bod chi'n ei wreiddio.
Yn rhyngwladol, mae'r cyfeiriad yn glir. Mae Pwyllgor y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn yn dweud y dylai'r isafswm oedran fod yn 14 o leiaf. Dyna'r safon y dylai Cymru anelu ati. Mae'r un symud i'w weld ar waith ym Mhrydain. Mae'r Alban eisoes wedi symud y tu hwnt i safbwynt Cymru a Lloegr trwy godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 12, ac mae Gweinidogion yno bellach yn ystyried argymhelliad gan grŵp cynghori i godi'r oedran i 14. Yn San Steffan, mae'r momentwm yn cynyddu gyda gwelliant i'r Bil Troseddu a Phlismona ar hyn o bryd i godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 14, gyda chefnogaeth cyn-farnwyr amlwg fel y Farwnes Hale a'r Farwnes Butler-Sloss.
Ond ble mae hynny'n gadael Cymru? Roedd comisiwn Thomas yn glir. Mae 10 yn rhy ifanc, meddai. Argymhellodd y dylid codi'r oedran ar y pwynt hwnnw i o leiaf 12, a oedd yn unol ag argymhelliad y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar y pryd. Dadleuai dros hyn ochr yn ochr â setliad mwy cydlynol wrth gwrs, a datganoli cyfiawnder troseddol yn gyfan gwbl. Mae'r achos dros 14 wedi cryfhau ymhellach ers hynny, a hoffwn pe gallai'r Gweinidog nodi safbwynt Cymru, yn gyntaf oll, mewn perthynas ag egwyddor yr argymhelliad gan gomisiwn Thomas. A yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn cefnogi'r cynnig i godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol yng Nghymru, ac a ydych chi bellach yn derbyn y dylai fod yn 14, yn unol â chanllawiau'r Cenhedloedd Unedig?
Mae pwynt ehangach yma sy'n ymarferol ac yn gyfansoddiadol. Os yw cyfiawnder ieuenctid yn cael ei ddatganoli ond bod oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol yn cael ei adael i'w benderfynu yn rhywle arall, rydym yn creu setliad anghyfartal. Bydd disgwyl i Gymru ddarparu gwasanaethau atal, dargyfeirio, sy'n canolbwyntio ar y plentyn, ond heb reolaeth dros y trothwy sy'n penderfynu pryd y mae plant yn cael eu trin fel troseddwyr. Dyna gyfrifoldeb heb bŵer dros yr union beth sy'n diffinio'r system. Os yw Cymru o ddifrif ynglŷn â dull cydlynol o weithredu, nid ychwanegiad dewisol yw'r trothwy oedran, ond ystyriaeth sylfaenol.
Ni allwn anwybyddu'r ffaith bod Llywodraeth y DU wedi dweud dro ar ôl tro nad oes ganddi unrhyw gynlluniau i newid yr oedran ar lefel Cymru a Lloegr, ac un o'r pwyntiau eraill y gobeithiaf y bydd y Gweinidog yn mynd i'r afael â nhw yw: beth y maent yn ei ddweud am argymhelliad Thomas i ddatganoli'r pŵer i Gymru? Rwy'n gwybod bod y Dirprwy Brif Weinidog wedi trafod oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol gyda Llywodraeth y DU. Beth y maent wedi'i ddweud? Oherwydd ar hyn o bryd, nid ydym yn glir am gwestiwn datganoli. Os nad yw San Steffan eisiau symud, mae gan Gymru fwy fyth o gyfrifoldeb i ddatgan ei barn ei hun yn glir, dadlau dros newid ac adeiladu'r achos cryfaf, a mwyaf moesol, ymarferol, cyfansoddiadol, dros rywbeth gwell.
Lywydd, gadewch imi orffen gyda'r pwynt craidd. Nid yw codi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 14, fel y dywedais, yn fater o fod yn galon feddal, mae'n ymwneud â bod yn effeithiol, mae'n ymwneud â diogelwch y cyhoedd, mae'n ymwneud ag atal rhywun rhag dod yn ddioddefwr nesaf trwy ymateb mewn ffordd sy'n newid llwybr plentyn. Mae'n ymwneud â derbyn yr hyn a ddysgwyd ynglŷn â'r ffordd y mae plant yn datblygu, mae'n ymwneud â chydnabod bod gan lawer o blant yn y system anghenion heb eu diwallu a bod yn rhaid i gyfiawnder fod yn deg yn ogystal â chadarn. Mae'n ymwneud â pheidio â lledu'r rhwyd a chynhyrchu troseddwyr mynych yn y ffordd yr eir ati i gynllunio'r union system honno. Mae'n ymwneud â bod o ddifrif ynghylch yr hyn sy'n digwydd mewn mannau eraill ym Mhrydain a ledled y byd ac mae'n ymwneud ag eglurder moesol y mae'r rhan fwyaf o bobl yn ei rannu pan fyddant yn meddwl yn ddwfn am y materion hyn. Ni ddylem fod yn rhoi cofnodion troseddol i blant cyn iddynt gyrraedd eu harddegau pan fo'r dystiolaeth yn dweud bod gwneud hynny'n gwneud pawb yn llai, nid yn fwy diogel. Dylai Cymru fod yn glir, yn uchelgeisiol a chael ei harwain gan y dystiolaeth, a dyna pam y dylem ymrwymo i godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 14.
Ysgrifennyd y Cabinet dros Gyfiawnder Cymdeithasol nawr i ymateb i'r ddadl—Jane Hutt.
The Cabinet Secretary for Social Justice now to reply to the debate—Jane Hutt.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. I want to thank Adam Price for taking the opportunity to raise this important topic in his short debate. Of course, as the Member is clearly aware, justice isn't currently devolved to Wales and the age of criminal responsibility is therefore reserved to the UK Government. I just want to again recall that Wales was the first UK nation to incorporate the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child into law, and it is and should be the basis of all our policies for children. In keeping with a trauma-informed, evidence-based, child-first—and that's the key point—approach, it is right that we not only consider but also support calls to raise the age of criminal responsibility.
I am grateful to the Member for tabling this debate at this time when this issue is being considered more widely. I'm very conscious of the extensive evidence in favour of raising the age of criminal responsibility. I've also noted the view of Lady Hale that prosecuting children under 14 is wrong. When top judges call for England and Wales to raise the age of criminal responsibility to 14, as is the case in most European countries, as you've outlined, we are keen to hear the views of the Senedd in this debate.
But, Llywydd, in our child rights approach, and focusing on this discussion and points you've made, Adam, I just want to say our focus has been on sustaining and strengthening preventative measures that stop children formally entering the criminal justice system whilst planning and preparing for these longer term reforms that are achievable and evidence based, and thank you for referring to the Thomas commission in terms of those recommendations and evidence. The Welsh Government's vision for criminal justice is to address the underlying causes of offending and to support people at risk of offending towards fulfilling, crime-free lives, and this approach can prevent crime from happening in the first place.
We're committed to the fair and equal provision of devolved services, so everyone in the criminal justice system has the support they need to live successful crime-free lives. And coupled with ensuring the justice system works in Wales, the Welsh Government is committed to working with our reserved partners to improve the justice system and to promote a distinctly Welsh version of criminal justice. This work improves outcomes for the often very vulnerable young people and children involved who are then caught up in the justice system. It helps to keep people in Wales safe and those involved in the justice system to desist from crime.
Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch i Adam Price am fanteisio ar y cyfle i godi'r pwnc pwysig hwn yn ei ddadl fer. Wrth gwrs, fel y mae'r Aelod yn amlwg yn gwybod, nid yw cyfiawnder wedi'i ddatganoli i Gymru ar hyn o bryd ac felly mae oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol wedi'i gadw'n ôl i Lywodraeth y DU. Rwyf am nodi eto mai Cymru oedd y genedl gyntaf yn y DU i ymgorffori Confensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn yn y gyfraith, ac mae'n sail i'n holl bolisïau plant. Yn unol â dull ystyriol o drawma sy'n seiliedig ar dystiolaeth ac yn canolbwyntio ar y plentyn—a dyna'r pwynt allweddol—mae'n iawn ein bod nid yn unig yn ystyried ond hefyd yn cefnogi galwadau i godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Aelod am gyflwyno'r ddadl hon ar yr adeg hon pan fo'r mater hwn yn cael ei ystyried yn ehangach. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r dystiolaeth helaeth o blaid codi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol. Rwyf hefyd wedi nodi barn yr Arglwyddes Hale fod erlyn plant dan 14 oed yn anghywir. Pan fydd prif farnwyr yn galw ar Gymru a Lloegr i godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol i 14, fel sy'n digwydd yn y rhan fwyaf o wledydd Ewropeaidd, fel rydych chi wedi nodi, rydym yn awyddus i glywed safbwyntiau'r Senedd yn y ddadl hon.
Ond Lywydd, yn ein dull o weithredu ar sail hawliau plant, a chan ganolbwyntio ar y drafodaeth hon a'r pwyntiau a wnaethoch, Adam, rwyf am ddweud bod ein ffocws wedi bod ar gynnal a chryfhau mesurau ataliol sy'n atal plant rhag mynd i mewn i'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yn ffurfiol gan gynllunio a pharatoi ar gyfer y diwygiadau mwy hirdymor hyn sy'n gyraeddadwy ac yn seiliedig ar dystiolaeth, a diolch am gyfeirio at gomisiwn Thomas a'r dystiolaeth a'r argymhellion hynny. Gweledigaeth Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer cyfiawnder troseddol yw mynd i'r afael ag achosion sylfaenol troseddu a chefnogi pobl sydd mewn perygl o droseddu tuag at fywydau boddhaol sy'n rhydd o droseddu, a gall y dull hwn atal troseddu rhag digwydd yn y lle cyntaf.
Rydym wedi ymrwymo i ddarparu gwasanaethau datganoledig yn deg ac yn gyfartal, fel bod pawb yn y system cyfiawnder troseddol yn cael y gefnogaeth sydd ei hangen arnynt i fyw bywydau llwyddiannus yn rhydd o droseddu. Ac yn ogystal â sicrhau bod y system gyfiawnder yn gweithio yng Nghymru, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i weithio gyda'n partneriaid yn y DU i wella'r system gyfiawnder ac i hyrwyddo fersiwn benodol Gymreig o gyfiawnder troseddol. Mae'r gwaith hwn yn gwella canlyniadau i'r bobl ifanc a phlant agored i niwed yn aml sy'n cael eu dal yn y system gyfiawnder. Mae'n helpu i gadw pobl Cymru'n ddiogel a chadw'r rhai sy'n rhan o'r system gyfiawnder rhag troseddu.
I'm glad to have the opportunity that this debate provides to reflect on the achievements of youth justice in Wales, of our pathways that we've taken forward. This has resulted in a sharp and sustained decline in first-time entrants over the last 15 years, which is a testament to the effectiveness of a preventative approach. It's also a reflection of the commitment, the resilience and the compassion of our youth justice professionals—let's think of them today—who work tirelessly to improve outcomes for children who may be in conflict with the law. Youth justice services are now engaging with far fewer children subject to statutory court orders, with most of their efforts focused on prevention and, as you've identified, diversionary interventions. It is welcome that there are also fewer 10 to 14-year-olds receiving cautions and convictions. Current data shows that 75 per cent are aged 15 to 17 years old.
We do recognise the needs and the vulnerabilities children in the justice system face, with many children formally entering the criminal justice system because of the problems that have arisen outside of it. There's evidence that preventing children from formally entering the criminal justice system in the first place is likely to reduce the likelihood that they will become involved in further criminal behaviour. It's therefore clear that providing that early intervention and support, understanding and meeting their needs, addressing their vulnerabilities and systematically responding to prevent and protect them and others from harm delivers positive outcomes. From prevention and early intervention to resettlement from custody, as I've said, we adopt a trauma-informed approach. Many children, as you've identified, are themselves victims with adverse childhood experiences, and this should be given recognition. Indeed, our own legislation reflects this, and I'm glad to draw attention, of course, and to remind us of the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 and the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015, which set out further requirements to ensure local services are provided to prevent children from offending and to promote their future welfare.
Llywydd, in 2011 we incorporated the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child into Welsh law under the Rights of Children and Young Persons (Wales) Measure 2011. This is a clear statement of our enduring commitment to children's rights, and I'm fully aware that the UN committee recommends that the minimum age of criminal responsibility is at least 14 years. Supported by this legislative landscape, Welsh Government is committed to taking a preventative approach to children in or at risk of entering the justice system. It's assuming a child-first approach to youth justice, ensuring that we centre the individual needs of children in or at risk of entering the justice system, rather than assuming a service-focused approach, providing children with the right help and support, building on their strengths and capabilities, enabling them to make a positive contribution to society, creating safer communities and fewer victims.
The youth justice blueprint is a joint initiative between the Welsh Government, the Ministry of Justice, policing in Wales, the Youth Justice Board and third sector partners. It does exemplify the benefits of partnership working with a range of positive outcomes, including the delivery of trauma-informed training to over 300 Welsh justice practitioners, and supporting the expansion of enhanced case management to all Welsh youth justice services. Now, of course, the blueprint has moved into a new phase, building on the existing framework and principles to continue to embed best practice in the justice system for children in Wales. Of course it is assisting devolved services and partners to understand their role in the prevention of offending, setting out the importance of taking that child-first approach across Welsh Government services, in partnership with our colleagues in local government, recognising how the prevention framework recognises that important landscape in Wales, the unique position of youth justice, its overlap with justice systems and services concerned with children's welfare, health and well-being, which leads us to the clear case for devolution of youth justice.
I'll conclude on these points, finally, Llywydd. We're working with the UK Government on their manifesto commitment and our commitment towards the devolution of youth justice in Wales. In fact, I am meeting the UK Government Minister responsible for youth justice this week, and I'm going to make him aware of this debate and our discussions, this debate on the age of criminal responsibility and the Member's call for it to be raised, as it has been currently discussed and debated now here today and in Westminster.
Finally, Llywydd, I'd like to once again welcome this debate. It gives us the opportunity to update the Senedd on the delivery of a child-first youth justice service in Wales, on our move towards devolution of youth justice. But, most importantly, the Member has helpfully reminded us of the evidence about the case for raising the age of criminal responsibility in line with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. I value the Member's contribution today. We will reflect on it in our policy discussions in Wales with our partners and with the UK Government. Diolch.
Rwy'n falch o gael y cyfle y mae'r ddadl hon yn ei roi i fyfyrio ar gyflawniadau cyfiawnder ieuenctid yng Nghymru, ar y llwybrau yr ydym wedi'u datblygu. Mae hyn wedi arwain at ostyngiad sydyn a pharhaus dros y 15 mlynedd diwethaf yn nifer y rhai a ddaw i gysylltiad â'r system gyfiawnder am y tro cyntaf, sy'n dyst i effeithiolrwydd y dull ataliol. Mae hefyd yn adlewyrchiad o ymrwymiad, gwydnwch a thosturi ein gweithwyr proffesiynol ym maes cyfiawnder ieuenctid—gadewch inni feddwl amdanynt heddiw—sy'n gweithio'n ddiflino i wella canlyniadau i blant a allai fod yn torri'r gyfraith. Mae gwasanaethau cyfiawnder ieuenctid bellach yn ymgysylltu â llawer llai o blant sy'n ddarostyngedig i orchmynion llys statudol, gyda'r rhan fwyaf o'u hymdrechion yn canolbwyntio ar atal ac fel y nodoch chi, ar ymyriadau dargyfeirio. Mae'n galonogol fod llai o bobl ifanc 10 i 14 oed hefyd yn cael rhybuddiadau ac euogfarnau. Mae'r data cyfredol yn dangos bod 75 y cant rhwng 15 a 17 oed.
Rydym yn cydnabod yr anghenion a'r gwendidau sydd gan blant yn y system gyfiawnder, gyda llawer o blant yn dod i gysylltiad â'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yn ffurfiol oherwydd y problemau sydd wedi codi y tu allan iddi. Ceir tystiolaeth fod atal plant rhag dod i gysylltiad â'r system cyfiawnder troseddol yn y lle cyntaf yn debygol o leihau'r tebygolrwydd y byddant yn cymryd rhan mewn ymddygiad troseddol pellach. Felly, mae'n amlwg fod darparu ymyrraeth gynnar a chefnogaeth, deall a diwallu eu hanghenion, mynd i'r afael â'u bregusrwydd ac ymateb yn systematig i'w hatal a'u hamddiffyn nhw ac eraill rhag niwed yn darparu canlyniadau cadarnhaol. O atal ac ymyrraeth gynnar i ailsefydlu o'r ddalfa, fel y dywedais, rydym yn mabwysiadu ymagwedd ystyriol o drawma. Mae llawer o blant, fel y nodwyd gennych, yn ddioddefwyr eu hunain ac wedi cael profiadau niweidiol yn ystod plentyndod, a dylid cydnabod hyn. Yn wir, mae ein deddfwriaeth ein hunain yn ei adlewyrchu, ac rwy'n falch o nodi, wrth gwrs, a'n hatgoffa am Ddeddf Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol a Llesiant (Cymru) 2014 a Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015, sy'n nodi gofynion pellach i sicrhau bod gwasanaethau lleol yn cael eu darparu i atal plant rhag troseddu ac i hyrwyddo eu llesiant yn y dyfodol.
Lywydd, yn 2011 fe wnaethom ymgorffori Confensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn yng nghyfraith Cymru o dan Fesur Hawliau Plant a Phobl Ifanc (Cymru) 2011. Mae hwn yn ddatganiad clir o'n hymrwymiad parhaol i hawliau plant, ac rwy'n gwbl ymwybodol fod pwyllgor y Cenhedloedd Unedig yn argymell y dylai isafswm oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol fod yn 14 oed o leiaf. Wedi'i chefnogi gan y dirwedd ddeddfwriaethol hon, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ymrwymo i fabwysiadu dull ataliol mewn perthynas â phlant sydd mewn perygl neu'n wynebu risg o ddod i gysylltiad â'r system gyfiawnder. Mae'n rhagdybio dull plentyn yn gyntaf o weithredu mewn perthynas â chyfiawnder ieuenctid, gan sicrhau ein bod yn canolbwyntio ar anghenion unigol plant yn y system gyfiawnder neu sydd mewn perygl o ddod i gysylltiad â'r system gyfiawnder, yn hytrach na mabwysiadu dull sy'n canolbwyntio ar y gwasanaeth, gan ddarparu'r cymorth a'r gefnogaeth gywir i blant, adeiladu ar eu cryfderau a'u galluoedd, eu galluogi i wneud cyfraniad cadarnhaol i gymdeithas, creu cymunedau mwy diogel a llai o ddioddefwyr.
Mae'r glasbrint cyfiawnder ieuenctid yn fenter ar y cyd rhwng Llywodraeth Cymru, y Weinyddiaeth Gyfiawnder, plismona yng Nghymru, y Bwrdd Cyfiawnder Ieuenctid a phartneriaid y trydydd sector. Mae'n arddangos manteision gweithio mewn partneriaeth gydag ystod o ganlyniadau cadarnhaol, gan gynnwys darparu hyfforddiant ystyriol o drawma i dros 300 o ymarferwyr cyfiawnder yng Nghymru, a chefnogi'r gwaith o ehangu dulliau gwell o reoli achosion i'r holl wasanaethau cyfiawnder ieuenctid yng Nghymru. Nawr, wrth gwrs, mae'r glasbrint wedi symud i gyfnod newydd, gan adeiladu ar y fframwaith a'r egwyddorion presennol i barhau i ymgorffori arferion gorau yn y system gyfiawnder i blant yng Nghymru. Wrth gwrs, mae'n cynorthwyo gwasanaethau datganoledig a phartneriaid i ddeall eu rôl yn atal troseddu, gan nodi pwysigrwydd defnyddio'r dull plentyn yn gyntaf ar draws gwasanaethau Llywodraeth Cymru, mewn partneriaeth â'n cymheiriaid mewn llywodraeth leol, gan gydnabod sut y mae'r fframwaith atal yn cydnabod y dirwedd bwysig honno yng Nghymru, sefyllfa unigryw cyfiawnder ieuenctid, y modd y mae'n gorgyffwrdd â systemau cyfiawnder a gwasanaethau sy'n ymwneud â lles, iechyd a llesiant plant, sy'n ein harwain at yr achos clir dros ddatganoli cyfiawnder ieuenctid.
Fe ddof i ben gyda'r pwyntiau hyn, yn olaf, Lywydd. Rydym yn gweithio gyda Llywodraeth y DU ar eu hymrwymiad maniffesto a'n hymrwymiad ni tuag at ddatganoli cyfiawnder ieuenctid yng Nghymru. Mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n cyfarfod â Gweinidog Llywodraeth y DU sy'n gyfrifol am gyfiawnder ieuenctid yr wythnos hon, ac rwy'n mynd i roi gwybod iddo am y ddadl hon a'n trafodaethau, y ddadl hon ar oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol a galwad yr Aelod am ei godi, fel y mae wedi cael ei drafod nawr yma heddiw ac yn San Steffan.
Yn olaf, Lywydd, hoffwn unwaith eto groesawu'r ddadl hon. Mae'n rhoi cyfle inni roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Senedd ar ddarparu gwasanaeth cyfiawnder ieuenctid sy'n canolbwyntio ar y plentyn yng Nghymru, ar ein symudiad tuag at ddatganoli cyfiawnder ieuenctid. Ond yn bwysicaf oll, mae'r Aelod wedi ein hatgoffa o'r dystiolaeth am yr achos dros godi oedran cyfrifoldeb troseddol yn unol â Chonfensiwn y Cenhedloedd Unedig ar Hawliau'r Plentyn. Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi cyfraniad yr Aelod heddiw. Byddwn yn ei ystyried yn ein trafodaethau polisi yng Nghymru gyda'n partneriaid a Llywodraeth y DU. Diolch.
Diolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet.
I thank the Cabinet Secretary.
Yr eitem nesaf fydd Cyfnod 3 y Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth).
The next item will be the Stage 3 proceedings on the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill.
Grŵp 1 o welliannau ar hyn yw'r grŵp sy'n ymwneud â hyfforddiant ar gyfer aelodau meddygol nad ydynt yn ymarfer. Gwelliant 2 yw'r prif welliant yn y grŵp, a dwi'n galw ar Adam Price i gynnig y prif welliant.
Group 1 of amendments relates to training for non-practising medical members. The lead amendment in the group is amendment 2, and I call on Adam Price to move and speak to the lead amendment.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 2 (Adam Price).
Amendment 2 (Adam Price) moved.
Diolch yn fawr, Llywydd. I move the amendments in this group in my name. The first amendment, amendment 1, is a facilitative amendment to change the long title. It doesn't alter the substance of the Bill. It simply replaces the specific wording with the standard formulation for connected purposes, principally so that the Bill can properly accommodate the substantive amendment.
That substantive amendment is amendment 2, which creates a new duty on Welsh Ministers to carry out a review of the training arrangements maintained by the president of Welsh Tribunals for medical members of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales who do not hold a licence to practice, and to publish a report within 12 months of commencement. The logic for the amendment really mirrors the argument that I set out in our earlier proceedings on Stage 2, because the Bill removes the need for a current licence to practice. We understand the urgency behind that, but, in doing so, it's important still to reassure patients and families that hearings are informed by up-to-date clinical expertise. So, that's the focus, really, for this amendment.
We shared the earlier amendment with stakeholders, and there was unanimous support in terms of the spirit of the solution, that this was a problem that needed a solution. What is clear in terms of necessity is that what we need is a safeguard in terms of ensuring that the level of knowledge is kept current for those who are no longer practising. That's why we've brought forward this amendment at Stage 3.
During our Stage 2 discussions, and subsequently, we became aware that the proposal at Stage 2, which was to put a duty directly on the president of the Welsh Tribunals, was problematical because the president of the Welsh Tribunals—this may come as a surprise to some people—is, for these purposes, treated as a reserved authority. That means that, if we were to confer a duty on the president of the Welsh Tribunals, as things currently stand, we need Crown ministerial consent from the Westminster Government. And obviously, in the context of an emergency legislation, that is quite difficult, and it would potentially mean a significant delay to receiving Royal Assent. Given the risk that that represents, potentially, in terms of the tribunal, as we heard, meeting its statutory responsibilities, we felt that that was not a risk that was acceptable in this context. So, we explored other options, placing a duty, for example, on the president of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales itself, but that office holder doesn't currently have the kind of defined statutory functions that make it easy to attach a new explicit training duty within the narrow scope and tight timetable of this Bill.
Now, both of those problems that I've just outlined are the kinds of problems that will be solved by the tribunals Bill, because the tribunals Bill will actually make the president of the Welsh Tribunals what they clearly should be, which is a devolved office holder, but we're not there at this time. So, the interim solution we've crafted, Llywydd, is, as I said, to introduce a duty on Welsh Ministers to review the principal matter here, the training arrangements, the ones that already exist and what's in place in terms of non-practising medical members, and to publish the outcome so that we can have a transparent assessment of whether those training arrangements are adequate for the cohort that are, obviously, quite important in terms of this Bill and in terms of the functioning of the tribunal. And that creates then, I think, a public line of sight, if you like, which will allow us to move from an emergency or interim solution to a more durable solution. So, I hope the Welsh Government is able to support these two amendments.
Diolch yn fawr, Lywydd. Cynigiaf y gwelliannau yn y grŵp hwn yn fy enw i. Mae'r gwelliant cyntaf, gwelliant 1, yn welliant hwyluso i newid y teitl hir. Nid yw'n newid sylwedd y Bil. Yn syml, mae'n rhoi'r fformiwleiddiad safonol yn lle'r geiriad penodol at ddibenion cysylltiedig, yn bennaf er mwyn i'r Bil allu darparu'n briodol ar gyfer y gwelliant sylweddol.
Y gwelliant sylweddol hwnnw yw gwelliant 2, sy'n creu dyletswydd newydd ar Weinidogion Cymru i gynnal adolygiad o'r trefniadau hyfforddi a gynhelir gan lywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru ar gyfer aelodau meddygol Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru nad oes ganddynt drwydded i ymarfer, ac i gyhoeddi adroddiad o fewn 12 mis i gychwyn y ddeddfwriaeth. Mae'r rhesymeg ar gyfer y gwelliant yn adlewyrchu'r ddadl a nodais yn ein trafodion cynharach ar Gyfnod 2, oherwydd mae'r Bil yn dileu'r angen am drwydded gyfredol i ymarfer. Rydym yn deall y brys sy'n sail i hynny, ond wrth wneud hynny, mae'n bwysig sicrhau cleifion a theuluoedd fod gwrandawiadau'n cael eu llywio gan arbenigedd clinigol cyfredol. Felly, dyna'r ffocws, mewn gwirionedd, ar gyfer y gwelliant hwn.
Fe wnaethom rannu'r gwelliant cynharach gyda rhanddeiliaid, ac roedd cefnogaeth unfrydol i ysbryd yr ateb, fod hon yn broblem sydd angen datrysiad. Yr hyn sy'n amlwg ei angen arnom yw mesur diogelwch i sicrhau bod lefel yr wybodaeth yn cael ei chadw'n gyfredol i'r rhai nad ydynt yn ymarfer mwyach. Dyna pam ein bod wedi cyflwyno'r gwelliant hwn yng Nghyfnod 3.
Yn ystod ein trafodaethau Cyfnod 2, ac wedi hynny, daethom yn ymwybodol fod y cynnig yng Nghyfnod 2, sef rhoi dyletswydd uniongyrchol ar lywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru, yn broblemus oherwydd bod llywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru—gall hyn fod yn syndod i rai pobl—yn cael ei drin at y dibenion hyn fel awdurdod neilltuol. Mae hynny'n golygu, os ydym yn rhoi dyletswydd i lywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru, fel y mae pethau ar hyn o bryd, mae angen caniatâd gweinidogol y Goron gan Lywodraeth San Steffan. Ac yn amlwg, yng nghyd-destun deddfwriaeth frys, mae hynny'n eithaf anodd, a gallai olygu oedi sylweddol cyn derbyn Cydsyniad Brenhinol. O ystyried y risg y gallai hynny ei chreu o ran gallu'r tribiwnlys, fel y clywsom, i gyflawni ei gyfrifoldebau statudol, teimlem nad oedd honno'n risg a oedd yn dderbyniol yn y cyd-destun hwn. Felly, fe wnaethom archwilio opsiynau eraill, gan osod dyletswydd, er enghraifft, ar lywydd Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru ei hun, ond nid oes gan ddeiliad y swydd honno y math o swyddogaethau statudol diffiniedig ar hyn o bryd sy'n ei gwneud hi'n hawdd atodi dyletswydd hyfforddi benodol newydd o fewn cwmpas cul ac amserlen dynn y Bil hwn.
Nawr, mae'r ddwy broblem yr wyf newydd eu hamlinellu yn broblemau o'r math a gaiff eu datrys gan y Bil tribiwnlysoedd, oherwydd bydd y Bil tribiwnlysoedd yn gwneud llywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru yr hyn y dylai fod, yn amlwg, sef deiliad swydd ddatganoledig, ond nid ydym yno ar hyn o bryd. Felly, yr ateb interim a luniwyd gennym, Lywydd, fel y dywedais, yw cyflwyno dyletswydd ar Weinidogion Cymru i adolygu'r prif fater yma, y trefniadau hyfforddi, y rhai sy'n bodoli eisoes a'r hyn sydd ar waith o ran aelodau meddygol nad ydynt yn ymarfer, a chyhoeddi'r canlyniad fel y gallwn gael asesiad tryloyw i weld a yw'r trefniadau hyfforddi hynny'n ddigonol ar gyfer y garfan sydd, yn amlwg, yn eithaf pwysig o ran y Bil hwn ac o ran gweithrediad y tribiwnlys. Ac rwy'n credu bod hynny'n creu llinell welediad, os mynnwch, i'r cyhoedd a fydd yn caniatáu inni symud o ateb brys neu interim i ateb mwy parhaol. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gallu cefnogi'r ddau welliant.
Y Cwnsler Cyffredinol.
The Counsel General.
Diolch, Llywydd. Clearly, as with any piece of legislation, it's important that we get it right, and, even in emergency circumstances, the process by which the legislature reviews and seeks to amend legislation is a vital one. So, I'm very grateful to the Member for the co-operative way in which he has approached the debate and for the spirit in which the amendments have been tabled. I'm also very grateful to Adam Price for the discussions we have had today around amendments aimed at strengthening arrangements for the training of medical members without a licence to practice.
Llywydd, I should put on record that I do not think the concerns he raises in theory are necessarily ones that are borne out in practice. I know how seriously the president of Welsh Tribunals takes his duty to provide adequate training for all members of all tribunals and the care that is taken by the individual tribunal presidents in ensuring that their members are and remain fully capable of meeting their responsibilities.
We've also talked before about the extensive qualifications that all medical members must have and the rigorous procedures and processes they undertake before they become members of the tribunal. Nonetheless, in recognition of the theoretical risk that Adam Price has noted and the conversations that both he and the Welsh Government have had with the likes of Mind Cymru and Adferiad, I am happy to support the amendment tabled to the Bill under his name.
As he has set out, the amendment seeks to meet the concerns raised by committing Welsh Ministers to review the training regime for the members in question. That review is to be carried out no later than 12 months after the Act comes into force, which is, of course, timely, as it will allow any outcomes of the review to be considered by the Senedd in the light of a tribunals Bill, assuming, Llywydd, as I very much like to do, that any new Government will take such a Bill forward. This amendment therefore meets the desire to ensure that we have absolutely the right training regime for this particular category of member in light of their essential duties, while not interfering with the Bill's primary function, which is to restore the capacity of the tribunal as quickly as it's possible to do so.
Llywydd, I'd also want to address the other area where an amendment was debated at Stage 2 and which the Member did not move to the vote at my request, which was medical members who might be suspended or the subject of conditions or undertakings. As I said earlier, we agreed with much of the intention behind Adam Price's earlier amendment. I know that he looked to table that amendment and it has been unfortunately found to be outside the scope of the Bill, but I want to put on record for him now that we are happy to do what that amendment would have mandated us to do. So, let me set that out clearly. The Medical Act 1983 includes provision whereby the General Medical Council is required to notify certain persons, for example, the Welsh Ministers and the person's employers, of an investigation by them of a medical practitioner's fitness to practise. That requirement should in principle extend to the GMC notifying the tribunal, but we cannot be certain that this is happening in all cases, as it is not an explicit requirement for them to do so. We consider it important to have robust governance arrangements in place, so my undertaking is that we will put in place a process to ensure that when the Welsh Ministers are notified by the GMC, acting as the health service, that a practitioner who is a medical member of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales is the subject of an investigation, the Welsh Ministers will in turn notify the president of the tribunal.
I have had the opportunity to discuss this with the president of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales this afternoon, and she agrees that such a process, while perhaps not strictly necessary, is a sensible precaution. I can tell Members as well that the president has agreed to undertake a review of existing conditions and/or undertakings that apply to the registration of current medical members of the tribunal. So, I hope this combination of reviewing any conditions or undertakings that already exist, and a notification of any new proceedings commencing that could lead to future conditions or undertakings, gives the necessary assurance that the president of the tribunal will be aware of any questions about individuals' fitness to practise, and will be able to take forward appropriate action to reflect the individual circumstances of any GMC proceedings. Diolch.
Diolch, Lywydd. Yn amlwg, fel gydag unrhyw ddarn o ddeddfwriaeth, mae'n bwysig ein bod yn ei chael yn iawn, a hyd yn oed mewn amgylchiadau brys, mae'r broses y bydd y ddeddfwrfa yn ei dilyn i adolygu a cheisio diwygio deddfwriaeth yn un allweddol. Felly, rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i'r Aelod am y ffordd gydweithredol y mae wedi mynd i'r afael â'r ddadl ac am yr ysbryd y cyflwynwyd y gwelliannau ynddo. Rwyf hefyd yn ddiolchgar iawn i Adam Price am y trafodaethau a gawsom heddiw ynghylch gwelliannau gyda'r nod o gryfhau trefniadau ar gyfer hyfforddi aelodau meddygol heb drwydded i ymarfer.
Lywydd, dylwn gofnodi nad wyf yn credu bod y pryderon y mae'n eu codi yn ddamcaniaethol o reidrwydd yn rhai sy'n codi yn ymarferol. Rwy'n gwybod pa mor ddifrifol y mae llywydd Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru yn ystyried ei ddyletswydd i ddarparu hyfforddiant digonol i holl aelodau pob tribiwnlys, a'r gofal a gymerir gan lywyddion tribiwnlys unigol i sicrhau bod eu haelodau yn gallu, ac yn parhau i allu cyflawni eu cyfrifoldebau yn llawn.
Rydym wedi siarad o'r blaen hefyd am y cymwysterau helaeth y mae'n rhaid i bob aelod meddygol feddu arnynt a'r gweithdrefnau a'r prosesau trwyadl y maent yn eu cyflawni cyn iddynt ddod yn aelodau o'r tribiwnlys. Serch hynny, i gydnabod y risg ddamcaniaethol y mae Adam Price wedi'i nodi a'r sgyrsiau y mae ef a Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'u cael gyda phobl fel Mind Cymru ac Adferiad, rwy'n hapus i gefnogi'r gwelliant a gyflwynwyd i'r Bil yn ei enw.
Fel y mae wedi nodi, mae'r gwelliant yn ceisio ateb y pryderon a godwyd drwy ymrwymo Gweinidogion Cymru i adolygu'r drefn hyfforddi ar gyfer yr aelodau dan sylw. Mae'r adolygiad hwnnw i'w gynnal heb fod yn hwyrach na 12 mis ar ôl i'r Ddeddf ddod i rym, sydd, wrth gwrs, yn amserol, gan y bydd yn caniatáu i unrhyw ganlyniadau o'r adolygiad gael eu hystyried gan y Senedd yng ngoleuni Bil tribiwnlysoedd, gan ragdybio, Lywydd, fel rwy'n hoff o wneud, y bydd unrhyw Lywodraeth newydd yn bwrw ymlaen â Bil o'r fath. Mae'r gwelliant hwn felly yn bodloni'r awydd i sicrhau bod gennym y drefn hyfforddi hollol gywir ar gyfer y categori penodol hwn o aelodau yng ngoleuni eu dyletswyddau hanfodol, heb ymyrryd â phrif swyddogaeth y Bil, sef adfer capasiti'r tribiwnlys cyn gynted ag y bo modd gwneud hynny.
Lywydd, hoffwn hefyd fynd i'r afael â'r maes arall lle trafodwyd gwelliant yng Nghyfnod 2 ac na chafodd ei gynnig gan yr Aelod ar gyfer pleidlais ar fy nghais i, sef aelodau meddygol a allai gael eu hatal dros dro neu sy'n destun amodau neu ymgymeriadau. Fel y dywedais yn gynharach, rydym yn cytuno â llawer o'r bwriad y tu ôl i welliant cynharach Adam Price. Rwy'n gwybod ei fod wedi bwriadu cyflwyno'r gwelliant hwnnw ac yn anffodus canfuwyd ei fod y tu allan i gwmpas y Bil, ond rwyf am gofnodi nawr ein bod yn hapus i wneud yr hyn y byddai'r gwelliant hwnnw wedi rhoi mandad arnom i'w wneud. Felly, gadewch imi nodi hynny'n glir. Mae Deddf Meddygaeth 1983 yn cynnwys darpariaeth lle mae'n ofynnol i'r Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol hysbysu personau penodol, er enghraifft, Gweinidogion Cymru a chyflogwyr y person, ynghylch ymchwiliad ganddynt i addasrwydd ymarferydd meddygol i ymarfer. Dylai'r gofyniad hwnnw mewn egwyddor ymestyn i gynnwys bod y Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol yn hysbysu'r tribiwnlys, ond ni allwn fod yn sicr fod hyn yn digwydd ym mhob achos, gan nad oes gofyniad penodol iddynt wneud hynny. Rydym o'r farn ei bod yn bwysig cael trefniadau llywodraethu cadarn ar waith, felly fy ymrwymiad i yw y byddwn yn rhoi proses ar waith i sicrhau, pan hysbysir Gweinidogion Cymru gan y Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol, yn gweithredu fel y gwasanaeth iechyd, fod ymarferydd sy'n aelod meddygol o Dribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru yn destun ymchwiliad, y bydd Gweinidogion Cymru yn eu tro yn hysbysu llywydd y tribiwnlys.
Rwyf wedi cael cyfle i drafod hyn gyda llywydd Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru y prynhawn yma, ac mae hi'n cytuno bod proses o'r fath, er efallai nad yw'n hollol angenrheidiol, yn rhagofal synhwyrol. Gallaf ddweud wrth yr Aelodau hefyd fod y llywydd wedi cytuno i gynnal adolygiad o'r amodau a/neu ymgymeriadau presennol sy'n berthnasol i gofrestru aelodau meddygol cyfredol y tribiwnlys. Felly, rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y cyfuniad hwn o adolygu unrhyw amodau neu ymgymeriadau sy'n bodoli eisoes, a hysbysiad ynghylch unrhyw achosion newydd sy'n dechrau a allai arwain at amodau neu ymgymeriadau yn y dyfodol, yn rhoi'r sicrwydd angenrheidiol y bydd llywydd y tribiwnlys yn ymwybodol o unrhyw gwestiynau am addasrwydd unigolion i ymarfer, ac y bydd yn gallu gweithredu'n briodol i adlewyrchu amgylchiadau unigol unrhyw achosion gan y Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol. Diolch.
Adam Price i ymateb.
Adam Price to respond.
I am very grateful to the Counsel General and to the Welsh Government for supporting these amendments and, indeed, for the further commitments that she has just given in relation to the amendment that we were not able to table at this stage.
Just to say a little bit about what we learned in a matter of hours through that process, it related to this matter of keeping up to date with GMC-registered members' status. What we have established is that the position is far from simple. Suspension, perhaps, is relatively clear. If a doctor's GMC registration is suspended, they would ordinarily no longer count as fully registered and therefore could not sit as a member of the tribunal or continue to do so. But conditions and undertakings, to use the technical terms, are more complex. Some are negative and restrictive in that sense, but others can be positive. So, a blunt statutory disqualification relating to a condition could therefore be over-broad, because it could unintentionally reduce tribunal capacity, cutting across the purpose of the Bill.
I think it does raise a question about why the Judicial Appointments Commission uses this phrase of 'unconditional registration', which does not seem to have a statutory basis anywhere that we are able to find, for the reasons that I have just outlined, because it seems contradictory. So, there is some further work that needs to be done there and some conversations that need to be had. But we do need to find some mechanism for information flow and oversight in order to keep current the knowledge of the tribunal of a medical member's regulatory status. I think the commitments that have been given by the Counsel General and, indeed, by the president of the tribunal have been very helpful in this regard.
Can I therefore move the amendments? I think that we have proven that the Senedd is able to move at pace when we need to.
Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol ac i Lywodraeth Cymru am gefnogi'r gwelliannau hyn ac yn wir, am yr ymrwymiadau pellach y mae hi newydd eu rhoi mewn perthynas â'r gwelliant nad oeddem yn gallu eu cyflwyno ar y cam hwn.
Os caf ddweud ychydig am yr hyn a ddysgwyd mewn mater o oriau trwy'r broses honno, roedd yn ymwneud â'r mater o gadw'n gyfredol â statws aelodau cofrestredig y Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol. Yr hyn a sefydlwyd gennym yw bod y sefyllfa ymhell o fod yn syml. Mae atal dros dro, efallai, yn gymharol glir. Os yw cofrestriad Cyngor Meddygol Cyffredinol meddyg yn cael ei atal dros dro, ni fyddent fel arfer yn cyfrif fel aelodau cofrestredig llawn mwyach ac felly ni allent fod yn aelod o'r tribiwnlys neu barhau i wneud hynny. Ond mae amodau ac ymgymeriadau, i ddefnyddio'r termau technegol, yn fwy cymhleth. Mae rhai'n negyddol ac yn gyfyngol yn yr ystyr honno, ond gall eraill fod yn gadarnhaol. Felly, gallai anghymhwyso statudol moel yn ymwneud ag amod fod yn rhy eang, gan y gallai leihau capasiti tribiwnlys yn anfwriadol, gan dorri ar draws diben y Bil.
Rwy'n credu ei fod yn codi cwestiwn ynglŷn â pham y mae'r Comisiwn Penodiadau Barnwrol yn defnyddio'r ymadrodd 'cofrestru diamod', nad yw'n ymddangos bod iddo sail statudol yn unrhyw le y gallwn ddod o hyd iddo, am y rhesymau rwyf newydd eu hamlinellu, oherwydd ei fod yn ymddangos yn anghyson. Felly, mae angen gwneud gwaith pellach yno ac mae sgyrsiau i'w cael. Ond mae angen inni ddod o hyd i ryw fecanwaith ar gyfer llif gwybodaeth a throsolwg er mwyn cadw gwybodaeth y tribiwnlys am statws rheoleiddiol aelod meddygol yn gyfredol. Rwy'n credu bod yr ymrwymiadau a roddwyd gan y Cwnsler Cyffredinol, ac yn wir, gan lywydd y tribiwnlys wedi bod yn ddefnyddiol iawn yn hyn o beth.
A gaf i felly gynnig y gwelliannau? Rwy'n credu ein bod wedi profi bod y Senedd yn gallu symud yn gyflym pan fo angen inni wneud hynny.
Os gwrthodir gwelliant 2, bydd gwelliant 1 yn methu. Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn gwelliant 2? A oes unrhyw wrthwynebiad? Nac oes. Felly, mae gwelliant 2 yn cael ei dderbyn.
If amendment 2 is not agreed, amendment 1 falls. The question is that amendment 2 be agreed to. Does any Member object? No. Amendment 2 is therefore agreed.
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Amendment agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Cynigiwyd gwelliant 1 (Adam Price).
Amendment 1 (Adam Price) moved.
Rydym ni wedi clywed Adam Price yn dweud ei fod yn symud gwelliant 1. Y cwestiwn yw: a ddylid derbyn gwelliant 1? A oes unrhyw wrthwynebiad? Nac oes. Mae gwelliant 1 hefyd wedi ei dderbyn.
We have heard Adam Price say that he is moving amendment 1. The question is that amendment 1 be agreed to. Does any Member object? No. Amendment 1 is also agreed.
Derbyniwyd y gwelliant yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 12.36.
Amendment agreed in accordance with Standing Order 12.36.
Mae hynny'n golygu ein bod ni wedi cyrraedd diwedd ein hystyriaeth o Gyfnod 3 o Fil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth) a dwi'n datgan bod pob adran o'r Bill wedi eu derbyn. Yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.50A, dwi'n gallu cadarnhau nad yw darpariaethau'r Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth) yn ymwneud â phwnc a warchodir yn fy marn i.
That means that we have reached the end of our Stage 3 consideration of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill and I declare that all sections of the Bill are deemed agreed. In accordance with Standing Order 26.50A, I can confirm that, in my view, the provisions of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill do not relate to a protected subject matter.
Barnwyd y cytunwyd ar bob adran o’r Bil.
All sections of the Bill deemed agreed.
Eitem 12, felly, yw Cyfnod 4 Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth). Y Cwnsler Cyffredinol nawr sydd yn gwneud y cynnig yma. Julie James.
Item 12 is the Stage 4 debate on the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill. I call on the Counsel General to move this motion. Julie James.
Motion
Cynnig bod y Senedd yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.48:
Yn cymeradwyo'r Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth).
Cynnig
To propose that the Senedd in accordance with Standing Order 26.48:
Approves the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill.
Cynigiwyd y cynnig.
Motion moved.
Diolch, Llywydd. Over the last two days, we've worked to what is, I think, the fastest ever timetable by which this Senedd has ever considered a Bill. Yesterday—was it only yesterday—I made the case for why this Bill is so urgent and why it is so important that its passage through the Senedd is as swift as possible. Since then, we have discussed the real-world consequences for vulnerable people should we fail to rectify the technical issue that the Bill sets out to address. We've discussed and debated how this situation has arisen, why it was not noticed until now and whether it should have been noticed sooner and by whom. I'm grateful to other Members of the Senedd who have participated in the debate and shared their views, particularly Adam Price, with whom I feel I have shared a positive and constructive dialogue about potential amendments. We have made one amendment to the Bill as a result of this dialogue, and have given a further undertaking on a related issue, which I set out only moments ago.
At the end of the day, the situation before us has been a simple one. There is an important issue that needs to be addressed, and whoever caused it, it is us who must address it. We need to restore the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales to its full operating capacity. If we do not, we risk considerable harm to individuals when they are at their most vulnerable. The Government has acted as quickly as it possibly could following the president's decision that she could no longer allow medical members who do not have a licence to practice to sit on tribunals. I am extremely grateful as well to the Llywydd and to the Senedd Commission staff, whose constructive engagement and significant work has allowed us to bring this legislation forward as quickly as we have.
Following this vote, I hope very much to be very grateful to this Senedd for passing the legislation. Subject to the passing of the Bill by the Senedd, the Attorney General has the right to refer the legislation to the Supreme Court. I also have that right myself, which I will not be exercising. The Secretary of State for Wales also has a power, in certain circumstances, to make an order preventing the Bill proceeding to Royal Assent. I have written to both the Attorney General and the Secretary of State for Wales to ensure that we all make clear our intention not to exercise those powers and to allow the Bill to pass immediately to Royal Assent. My intention is to ensure that this Bill comes into effect at the earliest possible opportunity, and I am very grateful indeed to everyone involved for recognising its urgency and importance. Diolch.
Diolch, Lywydd. Dros y ddau ddiwrnod diwethaf, rydym wedi gweithio ar yr amserlen gyflymaf erioed ar gyfer ystyried Bil gan y Senedd hon. Ddoe—dim ond ddoe oedd hi—fe nodais pam y mae cymaint o frys am y Bil hwn a pham y mae mor bwysig fod ei daith drwy'r Senedd mor gyflym â phosib. Ers hynny, rydym wedi trafod y canlyniadau yn y byd go iawn i bobl agored i niwed pe baem yn methu cywiro'r mater technegol y mae'r Bil yn ceisio mynd i'r afael ag ef. Rydym wedi dadlau a thrafod sut y cododd y sefyllfa hon, pam na sylwyd arno tan nawr ac a ddylid bod wedi sylwi arno'n gynt a chan bwy. Rwy'n ddiolchgar i'r Aelodau eraill o'r Senedd sydd wedi cymryd rhan yn y ddadl ac wedi rhannu eu barn, yn enwedig Adam Price, y teimlaf fy mod wedi cael deialog gadarnhaol ac adeiladol gydag ef ynghylch gwelliannau posib. Rydym wedi gwneud un gwelliant i'r Bil o ganlyniad i'r ddeialog hon, ac wedi rhoi ymrwymiad pellach ar fater cysylltiedig, a nodais ychydig funudau'n ôl.
Yn y pen draw, mae'r sefyllfa o'n blaenau wedi bod yn un syml. Mae yna fater pwysig y mae angen mynd i'r afael ag ef, a phwy bynnag a'i hachosodd, mater i ni yw mynd i'r afael ag ef. Mae angen inni adfer Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru i'w gapasiti gweithredu llawn. Os na wnawn hynny, rydym yn creu risg o niwed sylweddol i unigolion pan fyddant ar eu mwyaf bregus. Mae'r Llywodraeth wedi gweithredu mor gyflym ag y gallai yn dilyn penderfyniad y llywydd na allai ganiatáu i aelodau meddygol nad oes ganddynt drwydded i ymarfer fod yn aelodau o dribiwnlysoedd mwyach. Rwy'n hynod ddiolchgar hefyd i'r Llywydd ac i staff Comisiwn y Senedd, y mae eu hymgysylltiad adeiladol a'u gwaith sylweddol wedi caniatáu inni gyflwyno'r ddeddfwriaeth hon mor gyflym ag y gwnaethom.
Yn dilyn y bleidlais hon, rwy'n gobeithio'n fawr y byddaf yn ddiolchgar iawn i'r Senedd am basio'r ddeddfwriaeth. Yn amodol ar basio'r Bil gan y Senedd, mae gan y Twrnai Cyffredinol hawl i gyfeirio'r ddeddfwriaeth i'r Goruchaf Lys. Mae'r hawl honno gennyf innau hefyd, ond ni fyddaf yn ei harfer. Mae gan Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru bŵer hefyd, mewn rhai amgylchiadau, i wneud gorchymyn i atal y Bil rhag mynd rhagddo i gydsyniad Brenhinol. Rwyf wedi ysgrifennu at y Twrnai Cyffredinol ac Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru i sicrhau ein bod i gyd yn datgan ein bwriad yn glir i beidio ag arfer y pwerau hynny ac i ganiatáu i'r Bil basio ar unwaith i Gydsyniad Brenhinol. Fy mwriad yw sicrhau bod y Bil hwn yn dod i rym cyn gynted â phosib, ac rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i bawb am gydnabod y brys i'w gael a'i bwysigrwydd. Diolch.
I'd like to thank the Counsel General for bringing this Bill forward and Adam Price for bringing forward amendments, which I do think strengthen this Bill, and I'm sure Members will be very pleased to hear that my comments on this Bill are: I refer Members to the comments I made on it yesterday. [Laughter.]
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am gyflwyno'r Bil hwn ac i Adam Price am gyflwyno gwelliannau, sy'n cryfhau'r Bil hwn yn fy marn i, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd yr Aelodau'n falch iawn o glywed mai fy sylwadau ar y Bil hwn yw: rwy'n cyfeirio'r Aelodau at y sylwadau a wneuthum yn ei gylch ddoe. [Chwerthin.]
Llywydd, Plaid Cymru will support this Bill at Stage 4, and I want to begin with thanks. I want to thank the Counsel General for her positive engagement with us at pace, both in the Chamber and in the conversations we were able to have between stages. I also want to put on record our appreciation for the Senedd clerks and Commission staff and for the Welsh Government's legislative and policy teams and Plaid Cymru group staff, who have all worked under significant pressure to move emergency legislation through properly. In an accelerated process, the professionalism of these teams matters.
We also want to thank stakeholders who engaged at speed and in good faith, particularly Mind Cymru, Adferiad and the Royal College of Psychiatrists in Wales. Their input helped sharpen what was missing from the Bill as first introduced. I'm pleased that we have been able to secure an agreed amendment that directly addresses their shared concern that patients and families need reassurance that hearings will remain informed by up-to-date clinical expertise. That training amendment we agreed today is a practical step in that direction, and in an emergency Bill with compressed scrutiny, that kind of transparency and follow-through is really important.
I'll get a cheer at this point when I say, 'finally'. [Laughter.] Oh, you're so predictable, but there we are. [Laughter.] I love you too, Lee Waters. [Laughter.]
I don't want to dampen the high spirits now, but I do think it is important: learning is the key to any democracy, isn't it? So, I think the Welsh Government should commission the Welsh Tribunals Unit to carry out a short, focused review of how we got here, because as I was able to say at Stage 2, we've been told that the tribunal was told about this many years ago. In fact, I've now been told that that information was shared directly with the former president of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales herself. So, that needs to be properly investigated and looked at. How was that warning handled? When was it received? How was it logged? What action, if any, was taken? Because it's incumbent upon us, isn't it, and I think that we worked well under pressure to produce this emergency legislation and solve the problem, but we shouldn't really be in this position. So, can we have that learning, can we have that review, to find out what happened, what didn't happen, so that we're not in this position again?
Lywydd, bydd Plaid Cymru yn cefnogi'r Bil hwn yng Nghyfnod 4, ac rwyf am ddechrau gyda diolch. Rwyf am ddiolch i'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol am ei hymgysylltiad cadarnhaol â ni yn gyflym, yn y Siambr ac yn y sgyrsiau y gallasom eu cael rhwng cyfnodau. Rwyf hefyd am gofnodi ein gwerthfawrogiad o waith clercod y Senedd a staff y Comisiwn a thimau deddfwriaeth a pholisi Llywodraeth Cymru a staff grŵp Plaid Cymru, sydd oll wedi gweithio o dan bwysau sylweddol i symud deddfwriaeth frys drwodd yn briodol. Mewn proses gyflym, mae proffesiynoldeb y timau hyn yn bwysig.
Hoffem ddiolch hefyd i randdeiliaid a ymgysylltodd yn gyflym ac mewn ewyllys da, yn enwedig Mind Cymru, Adferiad a Choleg Brenhinol y Seiciatryddion yng Nghymru. Helpodd eu mewnbwn i hogi'r hyn a oedd ar goll o'r Bil fel y'i cyflwynwyd gyntaf. Rwy'n falch ein bod wedi gallu sicrhau gwelliant y cytunir arno sy'n mynd i'r afael yn uniongyrchol â'r pryder a rannant fod angen sicrwydd ar gleifion a theuluoedd y bydd gwrandawiadau'n parhau i gael eu llywio gan arbenigedd clinigol cyfredol. Mae'r gwelliant hyfforddi hwnnw a gytunwyd gennym heddiw yn gam ymarferol i'r cyfeiriad hwnnw, ac mewn Bil brys gyda chraffu cywasgedig, mae'r math hwnnw o dryloywder a dilyniant yn bwysig iawn.
Fe gaf gymeradwyaeth ar y pwynt hwn pan ddywedaf, 'yn olaf'. [Chwerthin.] O, rydych chi mor hawdd eich darllen, ond dyna ni. [Chwerthin.] Rwy'n eich caru chithau hefyd, Lee Waters. [Chwerthin.]
Nid wyf eisiau taflu dŵr oer ar bethau, ond rwy'n credu ei fod yn bwysig: dysgu yw'r allwedd i unrhyw ddemocratiaeth, onid e? Felly, rwy'n credu y dylai Llywodraeth Cymru gomisiynu Uned Tribiwnlysoedd Cymru i gynnal adolygiad arbennig byr o'r ffordd y gwnaethom gyrraedd yma, oherwydd fel y gallwn ddweud yng Nghyfnod 2, dywedwyd wrthym fod y tribiwnlys wedi cael gwybod am hyn flynyddoedd lawer yn ôl. Mewn gwirionedd, dywedwyd wrthyf nawr fod yr wybodaeth honno wedi'i rhannu'n uniongyrchol â chyn-lywydd Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru ei hun. Felly, mae angen ymchwilio i hynny ac edrych arno'n iawn. Sut y cafodd y rhybudd hwnnw ei drin? Pryd y daeth i law? Sut y cafodd ei gofnodi? Pa gamau, os o gwbl, a gymerwyd? Oherwydd mae'n ddyletswydd arnom, onid yw, ac rwy'n credu ein bod wedi gweithio'n dda o dan bwysau i gynhyrchu'r ddeddfwriaeth frys hon a datrys y broblem, ond ni ddylem fod yn y sefyllfa hon mewn gwirionedd. Felly, a allwn ni gael yr adolygiad hwnnw, i ddarganfod beth a ddigwyddodd, beth na ddigwyddodd, fel nad ydym yn y sefyllfa hon eto?
Ydy'r Cwnsler Cyffredinol eisiau dweud gair pellach?
Does the Counsel General want to say more?
Diolch, Llywydd. Before we vote, I just want to thank, once more, all Senedd Members for their consideration and support for the Bill. Over the last two days, you've heard the case for this legislation and why it needs to be passed at speed. By passing this Bill, we will be restoring the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales to its full operational capacity and ensuring it is able to meet its statutory duties on behalf of some of the most vulnerable people in Wales. Llywydd, I therefore commend this Bill to the Senedd.
Diolch, Lywydd. Cyn inni bleidleisio, rwyf am ddiolch unwaith eto i holl Aelodau'r Senedd am eu hystyriaeth a'u cefnogaeth i'r Bil. Dros y ddau ddiwrnod diwethaf, rydych chi wedi clywed yr achos dros y ddeddfwriaeth hon a pham y mae angen ei phasio'n gyflym. Drwy basio'r Bil hwn, byddwn yn adfer Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru i'w gapasiti gweithredol llawn ac yn sicrhau ei fod yn gallu cyflawni ei ddyletswyddau statudol ar ran rhai o'r bobl fwyaf agored i niwed yng Nghymru. Lywydd, rwy'n cymeradwyo'r Bil hwn i'r Senedd.
Yn unol â Rheol Sefydlog 26.50C, mae'n rhaid cynnal pleidlais wedi'i chofnodi ar gynigion Cyfnod 4, fel byddwch chi'n gwybod. Felly, oni bai bod tri Aelod yn dymuno imi ganu'r gloch, dwi'n barod i symud i'r bleidlais ar Gyfnod 4. Gallwn ni felly, ar gymeradwyo'r Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth), agor y bleidlais. Cau'r bleidlais. O blaid 50, neb yn ymatal, neb yn erbyn. Ac felly, mae'r bleidlais yna ar Gyfnod 4 y Bil yna wedi'i chymeradwyo.
In accordance with Standing Order 26.50C, a recorded vote must be taken on Stage 4 motions, as you will know. So, unless three Members wish for the bell to be rung, I will proceed directly to that vote on the Stage 4 proceedings. I call for a vote to approve the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill. Open the vote. Close the vote. In favour 50, no abstentions and none against. And therefore, the Stage 4 motion is approved.
Eitem 12. Dadl: Cyfnod 4 Bil Tribiwnlys Adolygu Iechyd Meddwl Cymru (Aelodaeth): O blaid: 50, Yn erbyn: 0, Ymatal: 0
Derbyniwyd y cynnig
Item 12. Debate: Stage 4 of the Mental Health Review Tribunal for Wales (Membership) Bill: For: 50, Against: 0, Abstain: 0
Motion has been agreed
Diolch yn fawr i bawb, a nos da.
Thank you all, and good evening.
Daeth y cyfarfod i ben am 19:42.
The meeting ended at 19:42.